The Dispossession of the Míkmaq Indians from Chignecto to Elsipogtog1: A Case Study Analysis of the Health Determinants of the Physical Environment by Patrick J. Augustine A thesis submitted to the Faculty of Graduate and Postdoctoral Affairs in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in Indigenous and Canadian Studies Carleton University Ottawa, Ontario © 2021, Patrick J. Augustine 1 The community uses the Pacifique orthography, while the Francis-Smith system spells it L’sipuktuk (Sable & Francis, 2012). Abstract Traditionally, the Míkmaq enjoyed an interconnected relationship with the land, harvesting what they needed from the earth and the ocean, guided by the concept of Netukulimk, the practice of sustainability. Upon the arrival of European settlers, new trade practices were introduced, and what was once plentiful was quickly depleted. Although the original inhabitants were assured that their lands would be protected by agreements and treaties, these assurances proved to be false, and the traditional relationship with the land was threatened, as the Míkmaq—presaging the fate of most Indigenous Peoples in Canada—were dispossessed of their historical lands and forced to live on reserves; many of them far away from the environments to which they had had biological and spiritual ties. Land is central to our understanding of current Indigenous health issues; centering around how the Míkmaq traditionally employed land and resources, what changes in that relationship were brought about by colonization, and how their removal to reserves influenced their relationship vis-à-vis their environment. In addressing the ways that land policies, post-first contact, were developed and implemented over time, it is possible and necessary to juxtapose that history with the story of the forced mobilization of the Míkmaq and examine the effects that the dispossession of land had upon their livelihood and economic activity. Informed by McGibbon’s paradigm of the cycles of oppression, Boyer’s study of the determinants of health is used as a lens to undertake an historical analysis of the habitation patterns of the Míkmaq who formerly resided in Sikniktuk (currently concentrated in Elsipogtog, once known as Big Cove Reserve and Richibucto Reserve #15). This critical ethnography argues that while dispossession from traditional lands and the subsequent decline of the Míkmaq population constitute a profoundly negative social determinant of health, the Elsipogtog community has responded to these conditions with resilience and perseverance. ii iii Dedication This is dedicated to all those who died before, during, and after the suicide crisis: Daniel Sanipass, 29. Died in September 1989, by hanging Marsha Clair, 23. Died in February 1990, by hanging Andrew Augustine, 29. Died in May 1990, by overdose Donnie Sanipass, 21. Died June 11, 1992, by hanging Anthony Sacobie, 21. Died June 20, 1992, by hanging. Found after nine days. David Augustine, Jr., 41. Died June 2, 1992, by hanging Keith Augustine, 21. Died July 17, 1992, by hanging Arthur Clair, 19. Died September 23, 1992, by hanging Marlowe Augustine, 27. Died November 28, 1992, by hanging Warren Augustine, 22. Died February 16, 1993, by hanging From September 1975 to September 1992, there were twenty suicides in the community; fifteen were men, and four were women. Thirteen died by hanging; eleven were men. Three men and one woman died of gunshot wounds. Two men died of an overdose. Of those who died, two were over forty years old, three were over twenty-nine, and the rest were between ten and twenty-nine years of age. iv Acknowledgements I would like to acknowledge my wife, Margaret, who helped greatly in this research, spending many hours together, reviewing numerous reels of microfilm. I would like to acknowledge all the librarians, archivists, and staff who assisted in this work, including Library and Archives Canada, the Canadian Museum of History, the New Brunswick Provincial Archives, the Nova Scotia Provincial Archives, the Prince Edward Island Provincial Archives, the New Brunswick Museum, the libraries of the University of New Brunswick, Université de Moncton, Mount Allison University, and the provincial libraries located at Richibucto, Shediac, Moncton, and Sackville, with inter-library loans from the Sussex and Saint John branches. I would also like to acknowledge the insights of Dr. Daniel Paul, and Dr. Albert Levi. Special thanks to Jo-Anne Lawless, Eliza Ali, and the Paul Menton Centre at Carleton University, and my thesis supervisor, Dr. Hugh Shewell, for his inspiring book which influenced my research. I would also like to acknowledge the support of the Elsipogtog First Nation: Gerald Sock, Austin Simon, and Ivan Augustine of our Education Department. Finally, I would like to thank the members of my committee; Simon Brascoupé, Martha Walls, Rainey Gaywish, and John Milloy. v Figure 1: This work is for the future generations of Elsipogtog. vi Table of Contents Abstract ...................................................................................................................................... ii Dedication .................................................................................................................................. iv Acknowledgements .................................................................................................................... v Table of Contents ..................................................................................................................... vii List of Tables ............................................................................................................................ xii List of Illustrations ................................................................................................................. xiii List of Appendices .................................................................................................................. xvi Chapter 1: Introduction ..................................................................................................... 1 1.1 Research Design ...................................................................................................................... 6 1.1.1 Statement of the Problem .................................................................................................... 6 1.1.2 The Nature of the Problem .................................................................................................. 7 1.1.3 Promising Approaches for Improved Results ..................................................................... 7 1.2 Historical Population Figures ................................................................................................. 8 1.2.1 Historical and Current Health Issues ................................................................................ 10 1.2.2 Suicide Crisis, 1992 - 1993 ............................................................................................... 12 1.2.3 Health Transfer Agreement .............................................................................................. 13 1.3 Summary ............................................................................................................................... 15 Chapter 2: Theory and Methodology .............................................................................. 20 2.1 Literature Review .................................................................................................................. 23 2.2 Míkmaq History and Indigenous Peoples’ Land Loss ........................................................... 26 2.2.1 Indigenous Dispossession ................................................................................................. 26 2.3 Determinants of Health .......................................................................................................... 35 2.3.1 Summary of Determinants of Health ................................................................................ 38 2.4 Theoretical Framework.......................................................................................................... 39 vii 2.5 Site Selection ......................................................................................................................... 46 2.6 Effects of the Suicide Crisis, 1992 - 1993 ............................................................................. 47 2.7 Summary ............................................................................................................................... 49 Chapter 3: The History of Sikniktuk .............................................................................. 51 3.1 History of Sikniktuk .............................................................................................................. 51 3.2 The History of Chignecto and Surrounding Areas ................................................................ 54 3.3 The History of Specific Areas ............................................................................................. 101 3.3.1 Amherst and Sackville .................................................................................................... 101 3.3.2 Memramcook and Shediac .............................................................................................. 112 3.3.3 Moncton and Petitcodiac ................................................................................................ 117 3.3.4 Sussex and Saint John ....................................................................................................