Terror in Japan

Terror in Japan

Volume 2 | Issue 6 | Article ID 1570 | Jun 25, 2004 The Asia-Pacific Journal | Japan Focus Terror in Japan Meredith Box, Gavan McCormack that Japan as a whole continues to face in the The Red Army (1969-2001) and Aum early twenty-first century. Supreme Truth (1987-2000) Dissent, Repression, Violence, 1960s and 1980s Meredith Box and Gavan McCormack After 1945, democracy and a liberal- parliamentary system replaced wartime totalitarianism in Japan, but the democratic project was compromised from the outset by its context: incorporation within a U.S.-led global system. Citizens who demanded reform or ABSTRACT: Observers of early twenty-first- insisted on the exercise of rights they believed century Japan commonly note economic, guaranteed under the constitution found political, and social crisis, on the one hand, and themselves marginalized. In practice, the pessimism, lethargy, or helplessness about the constitution was of only secondary importance. possibility of reform, on the other. Yet Japan's The U.S. relationship was the key determinant civil society was idealistic and energetic in the of Japan's postwar sociopolitical landscape. early postwar decades. What happened? The reform movement that captured much of the Movements for civil rights, for worker or trade vitality of the early postwar decades was either union rights, and for local control of education foreclosed, as many were co-opted in the "all- � all launched as part of the process of giving for-growth" economism, consumerism, and the life to the abstract principles of the constitution corporation, or crushed in successive waves of � were confronted by the bureaucratic repression of dissidence as the cold war order machinery of a state set on shrinking the took shape. Political parties sacrificed broad bounds of the legitimate. Enfeebled and vision and ideals to narrow-interestintimidated, groups committed to social justice articulation. While the mass base of the reform and grassroots democracy resorted to movement was discouraged, demoralized, and "persuasion" and "enormous pressure" to depoliticized, one minority in the late 1960s advance their agenda.1 As their persuasion and turned to violent revolution and another in the pressure were met by further repression, they late 1980s turned inward to seek spiritual gradually resorted to violence.2 satisfaction. Both paths led to violence. This article looks at the course of the student In keeping with this pattern, the student and movement between the late 1940s and the late broader civil movements of postwar Japan were 1970s, with particular reference to the Japan constitutionally conservative. That is to say, Red Army, and at the new religious movement they looked enthusiastically to the fulfillment of Aum Supreme Truth in the 1980s and 1990s. the pacifist and democratic ideals of the Both adopted "terrorist" tactics, by almost any constitution, while so-called "conservatives" understanding of that term. However, they were committed to its overthrow. Under were children of their times, reflecting the pressure, however, as they found themselves same deep social, political, and moral problems confronting instruments of state power bent on 1 2 | 6 | 0 APJ | JF repudiating what they saw as coresymbolic spaces in cities, railway stations, and constitutional principles, restoringairports for brief periods. bureaucratic privilege and consolidating a system oriented primarily to the service of U.S. The 1960s wave of rising student militancy strategic purpose, sections of the student peaked in the occupation of most of the movement resorted to violence. As thecountry's universities, forcing the suspension of contradiction between civil movements,classes for a full academic year (1968-69). including students, and state power sharpened, From their bases in one or another campus the postwar era became marked by waves of building, militant students of various factions militancy and repression. The waves peaked in fought both against state power, in the form of 1950 and again in 1960 � in 1950, when the police, and against each other, in a spiral of students made vain attempts to resist the interfactional violence as hegemony over the 4 widespread bureaucratic interventions in the campuses was contested. The level of factional universities, implemented on orders of the violence (uchi�geba) in these fierce, internal Occupation authorities, and the sackings of left- struggles over doctrine or territory was of such wing staff,3 and in 1960, with the mass intensity that eighty-five people were killed and demonstrations against the renewal of the five thousand wounded between 1968 and 5 security treaty with the United States. 1988. A new wave of such militancy began to gather After a year of intense confusion and growing force in 1963-64, when some student factions violence in 1968-69, however, the occupations began using gebabo (gewalt, or violence were broken; the militant ranks split as the mass of students retreated, tired and dispirited, staves) and helmets in their demonstrations. to face prolonged court battles. When classes The struggles against the Japan-South Korea resumed in August 1969, the minority Normalization Treaty, which was seen as an extremists went underground. The term expression of Japan's incorporation into kage�kiha (extremist) had hitherto referred Washington's global cold war strategy, to all helmeted, masked, gebabo-�wielding expanded as the war in Vietnam intensified and students irrespective of faction or ideology. was fought to a significant degree from Henceforth it referred in particular to the Japanese bases. The appropriation of land for a handful of militant groups that persisted in new Tokyo airport at Sanrizuka (now Tokyo struggle, most prominent among them being International Airport at Narita) occasioned the Red Army (Sekigun). fierce struggles, partly because of the belief that such an airport would constitute part of a * * * war-oriented strategy. Apart from their adoption of a broad social agenda around such At the end of the 1980s a very different mood issues, students protested that universities and prevailed. High growth and prosperity had other public institutions were being subverted wrought a deep transformation of values and by cold war priorities. They protested also aspirations. Faced with what seemed to be the against impersonal, bureaucratic power in atomization and alienation of advanced academic and other institutions � poor capitalist prosperity, new religions flourished conditions in tertiary institutions, inadequate or offering meaning, community, and spiritual dilapidated facilities, dull and unimaginative fulfillment. Aum Supreme Truth (Aum teaching, overcrowded classes, rising fees. Shinrikyo) was especially attractive to the They zigzagged in snake-dance demonstrations, idealistic young because it seemed to represent fought with gebabo, occasionally used Molotov a way out of their frustration with the cocktails to bomb police posts, and occupied pressures and values of "progress" and 2 2 | 6 | 0 APJ | JF "rationalism" in the world of their parents. Like desire was driven off, if necessary, by savage their predecessors in the political sects of the beating. Training included prolonged 1960s, Aum's recruits and activists shared a meditation sessions, sometimes in confined sense of failure and closure. Their activities underground spaces (for up to five days),8 and escalated through the early 1990s, culminating the search for enlightenment in the Buddhist in the sarin gas attack in the Tokyo subway sense of freedom, beyond Karma or desire, in a system in 1995. state beyond good and evil, where freedom reigned. Complete freedom was equated with Launched in 1987 as a religious organization, subordination to the will of the Guru, who alone Aum's early practices reflected approaches and experienced full enlightenment. In order to ideas familiar in Japanese "new" religions, share his wisdom, disciples engaged in various including yoga, spiritual guidance, and the practices, drinking his bath water or his blood, promise of "miracle" experiences. Aum was and seeking to adjust body and mind rhythms to headed by Matsumoto Chizuo (b. 2 March his by complex electronic circuitry. The line 1955), also known as Asahara Shoko, a partially between death and salvation was a fine one, and blind former acupuncturist, "quack" medicine death, in any event, was seen as liberation, to dealer, and yoga instructor. Asa�harabe welcomed. described himself as the "one and only person who has acquired supreme truth" and he Aum's ascetic practices and eclectic theology attributed to himself supernatural powers. He merged with an imaginative world that fit the traditional Japanese profile of founder of Japanese youth were familiar with in virtual a new religion � volatile, aggressive,form from computer games, manga, and TV: confrontational, visionary, filled with grievance the world of violent, cataclysmic clashes and sense of mission. He visited India and Tibet between the warriors of good and evil. In the in search of "the way" and was blessed by the early 1990s, especially following the Gulf War 6 Dalai Lama among others as a holy man. As of 1991, Asahara's prophecies of catastrophe Aum evolved, its doctrine took shape based on and doom grew more vivid and obsessive. He early, or Tantric, Buddhism and incorporating spoke of plasma weapons that would atomize mystical, millenarian elements of Taoism, human bodies, of large mirrors suspended in Hinduism, and Christianity. In 1991 Asahara space to turn the sun's rays on cities to destroy declared himself the Christ � his books them, and of vast laser guns. Most of humanity contain pictures of him on the cross, crowned would be wiped out, he suggested, and only the with thorns. elite saved. The name "Aum" was taken from the Sanskrit By the time of the March 1995 Tokyo attack, word used in mantras and prayers,the cult had some ten thousand members, of representing the interlocking powers of the whom about one thousand were full-time universe (often written in English as "om"), and dedicated "monks," shukke, living in special the attributes of the sacred Hindu trilogy of communities.

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