FAMILY TIES TO BUDDHIST MONKS AND NUNS IN MEDIEVAL CHINA: A BIOGRAPHICAL AND HAGIOGRAPHICAL STUDY OF THE SOUTHERN XIAO FAMILY BRANCH by CAM VAN THI PHAN B.A., The University of British Columbia, 2004 A THESIS SUBMITTED IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF MASTERS OF ARTS in THE FACULTY OF GRADUATE STUDIES (Asian Studies) THE UNIVERSITY OF BRITISH COLUMBIA April 2007 ©Cam VanThi Phan, 2007 II Abstract The roles of kinship and family ties have recently become recognized as a vital yet unexplored area in the study of medieval Buddhism. This is especially critical in restructuring the relationship between political and religious spheres, which for the Sinologist have always been intricately linked to one another. Although there are studies noting the prominence of family connection in the study of monks and nuns, past studies have focused mainly on the manipulation and modification of religion by political figures for solely secular purposes. Not many studies have turned the tables to analyze the significance of a monk or nun's family background and its intimate influence throughout his or her religious life; nor have they considered how a layman or laywoman's spiritual devotion greatly shapes his or her social life and political career. It is my aim to extend such research and explore on a larger scale the intricate relationship between monastic and lay family members, in this case Xiao Yu, his daughters, sons and relatives, ten in all, from the Southern Xiao family branch during the late Sui to early Tang period. This research serves to prove that the life of a monk or nun, while determined by that individual's vocation and endeavor, is to a degree also conditioned by his or her family background, kinship ties and secular acquaintance. This research, based upon hagiography, epigraphy and relevant materials from canonical and secular sources substantiates the belief that comprehensive study of the monastic order should involve analysis of factors beyond the spiritual sphere. Table of Contents Abstract Table of Contents Introduction 1 Chapter 1 Xiao Yu: the Stern Official and Pious Layman 7 Background 8 Family Tradition and Religious Devotion 34 Early Years 36 Outspoken Advocate 38 Sincere Practitioner 44 Great Philanthropist 50 Relations with Famous Monks 53 Concluding Remarks 56 Chapter 2 Eminent Nuns of the Xiao Family 61 Fale fivli^ (599-672): the Eldest Daughter 62 Fayuan 7£JII (601-663): the Distinguished Daughter 74 Fadeng flM (637-669): the Youngest Daughter 97 Huiyuan MW (662-737): the Extraordinary Granddaughter 104 Concluding Remarks 117 Chapter 3 Eminent Monks of the Xiao Family 120 Sengfeng fttfH (ca. 554-630): Most Noteworthy and Influential Xiao Monk 122 Fluiquan W@; (d.u.): the Calligrapher Monk 139 Zhizheng %]fB. (d.u.): the Younger Nephew 144 Lingyun MM (?-729): the Chan Master 147 Lingtuan fife (ca.755-829): the Last Xiao Monk 154 Xiao Kai ff$t (d.u.): the Obscure Monk 156 Concluding Remarks 157 Final Reflections 160 Bibliography 168 Appendix 1: Southern Xiao Family Tree 182 Abbreviations 183 1 Introduction The roles of kinship and family ties have recently become recognized as a vital yet unexplored area in the study of medieval Buddhism. This is especially critical in restructuring the relationship between political and religious spheres, which for the Sinologist have always been intricately linked to one another. Although there are studies noting the prominence of family connection in the study of monks and nuns,1 past studies have focused mainly on the manipulation and modification of religion by political figures for solely secular purposes. Not many studies have turned the tables to analyze the significance of a monk or nun's family background and its intimate influence throughout his or her religious life; nor have they considered how a layman or lay woman's spiritual devotion greatly shapes his or her social life and political career. According to Professor Jinua Chen2, two main factors account for this lack of attention to the importance of family background and lineage in the monastic world. First is the misconception of the expression chujia \&$L, which denotes "leaving one's family" or "abandoning household life, " generally used to describe a person entering the monastic life. Second is the practice of adopting the word shi fljl as the family name for all Buddhist monks and nuns once they have entered the monastic community. This practice emphasizes the forsaking, of the secular life and kinship ties in order to enter a sacred family under the guidance of the Sakyamuni cifu, the M5£ "compassionate ' Yang, "Tangdai niseng yu shisu jiating de guanxi," 72-75; Yan "Muzhi Jiwenzhong de tangdai funu de fojiao xinyang," 12-50. 2 Chen, Jinhua. "Family Ties and Buddhist Nuns in Tang China: Two Studies," 51-85. father". Therefore, many scholars believe that "a Buddhist monk or nun automatically and permanently severed all ties with his or her family" once they enter the samgha, and consequently, are inclined to focus their studies solely on the roles and responsibilities within the monastic sphere. The foremost scholar to study and explore the lives of Tang nuns' was Li Yuzhen in her Tangdai de biqiuni. From analyzing tomb inscriptions written for and literature written by nuns, she traces the origin of the earliest nuns' community and its development from the fourth century to the Tang dynasty, placing great emphasis on its correspondence to the vinaya code. Professor Li gives a general overview of these nuns' background and contribution to society, how they were portrayed in Tang literature, and the relationship between nuns of the nei daochang F*3J1PJ§ (palace chapels)4 and palace ladies. In the past five years more scholars have provided detailed research on the relationship between Tang women and Buddhism. Wu Minxia and Su Shimei's articles explain the attraction and inspiration Tang women had towards Buddhism and their various spiritual practices both in the communal and private spheres. Yang Xiaomei and Jiao Jie look at the influenced society and family have upon the lay women's religious practice and devotion to Buddhism. Yan Yaozhong, Huang Qingfa and Yan Chunhua focuses their studies on the interaction between women's social status and activities of nuns after ordination as well as their intimate interaction with their family as seen 3 Ibid, 51. 4 For detail study on "palace chapels" see Jinhua Chen, "The Tang Palace Chapels," Journals of Chinese Religion, Vol. 32 (2004), 1-72. thorough the secularization of Buddhist customs such as adopting non-Buddhist funeral rites. Yang Mei further analyzes the relation between monastic and lay to show how notions of filial piety and chastity influenced the lives of nuns and encouraged them to continuously associate.with the secular family members after ordination, subtly altering and Sinicizing the vinaya code. Detailed studies of individual Tang nuns' lives and religious career must be accredited to Wendi Adamek and Chen Jinhua. Professor Adamek's article "Inscriptions for Nuns at Lingquan Temple, Bao Shan," focuses on seventh century donor inscriptions written by and for nuns at Lingquan Temple at Bao Shan, near Anyang in Henan. She connects the Chinese innovated Sanie jiao H^fjfr program to laywomen and nuns' donor practice by analyzing the inscribed texts on the Bao Shan walls. From a feminist point of view, she argues that although the geographical segregation of monks and laymen's inscriptions from that of laywomen and nuns' and the emphasis on themes such as "deployment of alliance," the recognition of identity in terms of relationship to lineage of males and the "deployment of anti-sexuality," the discipline of the body "subsumes [woman] within the framework of... the patrilinear family,"5 the fact that religious women practitioners were able to have their biographies and donation records inscribed for preservation at a specified holy place proves of their remarkable influence and importance in both the religious and social circles. Professor Chen Jinhua's thorough study of the lives of Facheng (640-729) and Qiwei (720-781) with particular emphasis on their ordination circumstances, 5 Ibid, 513. 4 religious and sociopolitical roles and contributions as female clerics during the Tang confirms the fact that nuns do not completely abandon their secular family but maintain close ties after entering the nunnery. These women clerics were also instrumental in converting their family to become Buddhist believers and supporters. Uprooting the traditional notion that chujia means "severing one's ties with one's secular family," these nuns while committed to the Buddhist belief and proselytic activities simultaneous upheld Confucius values and maintained their roles as part of the secular family. Interestingly, the monastic and lay communities did not reprimand their actions, on the contrary encouraged such private commitment. It is my aim to extend such research and explore on a larger scale the intricate relationship between monastic and lay family members, in this case Xiao Yu, his daughters, sons and relatives, ten in all, from the Southern Xiao family branch during the late Sui to early Tang period. It must be noted that while the ordained female members of the Xiao family mentioned in this research are considered as "close" relatives, separated no more than two generations apart and are of the same southern sub-branch. On the contrary, the six male members are "remote" relatives: Sengfeng (554-630), the first ordained monk, lived some twO-hundred years before Lingtuan (755-829), the last Xiao monk. While the connection bridging the relation between the Xiao monks is loose, causing obfuscation while reconstructing the family's genealogy, I have included their biographies in my research for two reasons: in order to understand the expansion and influence of the Xiao clan as both a politically and religiously significant lineage and to be able to compare the lives and religious careers of monks and nuns (of the same lineage) during medieval China.