CHAPTER SEVEN A SOVEREIGN COUNT OF ORANGE Armed citizens marched to the city hall in a large number of cities in Holland, Zeeland and Friesland during the first days after the murders. There they stood, hundreds at a time, shouting in markets and public squares in Dordrecht, Veere and Leeuwarden, waving their flags in Haarlem, Zierikzee and Monnikendam, throwing stones at regents in Amsterdam, Rotterdam and Goes. Essentially the riots played out in simi- lar fashion in most towns: the march was led by the most respectable citizens, who climbed the steps of the city hall with a petition in their hands. While scared regents drafted an answer to the demands in these petitions, citizens outside threateningly yelled that they knew what had happened in The Hague and that they would also start to collect “noses and ears” if the regents delayed. In the wake of the murders, hundreds of regents lost their offices. It was a political earthquake. At the same time, a second wave of printed petitions flooded the Republic. Since by this time it was clear that dozens, if not hundreds, of political offices would quickly become vacant, the demands in these petitions were mostly concerned with political capability. Citizens wanted a (not even necessarily the) vote in the appointment of new magistrates and members of the city councils. Moreover, citizens wanted to appoint their own city militia administra- tion. For the first project petitions containing lists of capable candidates for available offices were spread. In all cities, citizens shared one wish: all incapable regents had to lay down office as quickly as possible. These so-called political purges were not initiated by the prince of Orange as is often thought. They were the work of riotous citizens. That William was given the power to “change governments” on 26 August by the States of Holland was a reaction to the first spontaneous purges rather than their cause. Orangist courtiers and propagandist did try to connect to the citizens’ movement.1 In an attempt to jump on this bandwagon, Orangist pamphle- teers claimed that now was the time to go all the way and appoint the 1 Roorda, Partij en Factie, 174. 174 chapter seven Fig 8. Riotous crowd, gathering in front of city hall in Haarlem. F.J. Frohlich, Haarlem, ‘t Stadhuis in 1672 (1902), Noord-Hollands archief, collection Braakman 55-13468. prince of Orange to the sovereign office of count of Holland.2 In the pam- phlet Krachtige Beweeg-redenen, the pamphleteer dictated the method for executing this undertaking. He suggested that the inhabitants (he explic- itly mentioned peasants in addition to citizens, a red flag that this pam- phlet was not written by a participant of the citizens’ movement) would have to delegate men who could request, with a petition, this third Orangist appointment from their government.3 This campaign needed drastic measures. Had not the appointment of the prince to the office of stadholder shown that political power lay with the people in 1672? If sovereignty lay with the people, how could the prince become sovereign? The answer, argued Orangists, was transference. A mock petition supposedly written by a group that called itself “The great 2 Het Hollandts A.B. Boeck, Knuttel 10598; Krachtige beweegh-redenen (1672), Knuttel 10316; Nodige Consideratien, Knuttel 10597; Voor de Liefhebbers van ’t Vaderlandt (1672), Knuttel 10310. In late July the Amsterdam regent Gilles Valckenier had proposed elevating the prince to the office of count, but the plan came to nothing. Gebhard, “Amsterdamsche aanteekingen uit 1672,” 174. 3 Krachtige beweegh-redenen, Knuttel 10316. Cf. Nodige Consideratien, Knuttel 10597, 6..