ENCYCLOPEDIA OF HEBREW LANGUAGE AND LINGUISTICS Volume 3 P–Z General Editor Geoffrey Khan Associate Editors Shmuel Bolokzy Steven E. Fassberg Gary A. Rendsburg Aaron D. Rubin Ora R. Schwarzwald Tamar Zewi LEIDEN • BOSTON 2013 © 2013 Koninklijke Brill NV ISBN 978-90-04-17642-3 Table of Contents Volume One Introduction ........................................................................................................................ vii List of Contributors ............................................................................................................ ix Transcription Tables ........................................................................................................... xiii Articles A-F ......................................................................................................................... 1 Volume Two Transcription Tables ........................................................................................................... vii Articles G-O ........................................................................................................................ 1 Volume Three Transcription Tables ........................................................................................................... vii Articles P-Z ......................................................................................................................... 1 Volume Four Transcription Tables ........................................................................................................... vii Index ................................................................................................................................... 1 © 2013 Koninklijke Brill NV ISBN 978-90-04-17642-3 syntax: modern hebrew 707 Talmudic literature, ed. by Mena™em Zevi Kadd- Shim’on Sharvit, xx–xxx. Ramat-Gan: Bar-Ilan ari and Shim’on Sharvit, 169–174. Ramat-Gan: University press. Bar-Ilan University press. Segal, Moshe H. 1927. A grammar of Mishnaic ——. 1991. Post-Biblical Hebrew syntax and seman- Hebrew. Oxford: Clarendon. tics: Diachronic studies in Hebrew (in Hebrew). ——. 1928. “On the structure of oath and vow 2 vols. Ramat-Gan: Bar-Ilan University Press. statements in Hebrew” (in Hebrew). Lłšonénu ——. 1998. “On deontic modality in Mishnaic 1:215–227. Hebrew”. Studies in Mishnaic Hebrew (Scripta ——. 1932. “The structure of conditional clauses” Hierosolymitana 37), ed. by Moshe Bar-Asher and (in Hebrew). Lłšonénu 4:191–211. Steven E. Fassberg, 197–217. Jerusalem: Magnes. ——. 1936. A grammar of Mishnaic Hebrew (in Khan, Geoffrey. 2006. “Some aspects of the copula Hebrew). Tel-Aviv: Dvir. in North West Semitic”. Biblical Hebrew in its Sharvit, Shim’on. 1998. “Infinival sentences in Mish- Northwest Semitic setting: Typological and his- naic Hebrew: A syntactic and semantic study”. torical perspectives, ed. by Steven E. Fassberg and Studies in Mishnaic Hebrew (Scripta Hierosolymi- Avi Hurvitz, 155–176. Jerusalem: Magnes and tana 37), ed. by Moshe Bar-Asher and Steven E. Winona Lake, Indiana: Eisenbrauns. Fassberg, 336–348. Jerusalem: Magnes. Kutscher, Eduard Yechezkel. 1962. “The language ——. 2008. Studies in Mishnaic Hebrew (in Hebrew). of the Hebrew and Aramaic letters of Bar-Kose∫a Jerusalem: Bialik Institute. and its generation, second article: The Hebrew let- Waldman, Nahum M. 1989. The recent study of ter” (in Hebrew). Lłšonénu 26:7–23. Hebrew: A survey of the literature with selected ——. 1982. A history of the Hebrew language. bibliography. Cincinnati: Hebrew Union College Ed. by Raphael Kutscher. Jerusalem: Magnes and Press. Leiden: Brill. Kurzon, Dennis. 1980. “Iconic syntax in rabbinical Moshe Azar codes”. The Jewish Law Annuals 3:71–83. (University of Haifa, Emeritus) Mishor, Mordechay. 1983. “The tense system in Tannaitic Hebrew” (in Hebrew). PhD dissertation, The Hebrew University of Jerusalem. Moreshet, Mena™em. 1983. “The predicate that pre- Syntax: Modern Hebrew cedes two subjects in Rabbinic Hebrew with refer- ences to Modern Hebrew” (in Hebrew). Hebrew language studies presented to professor Ze’ev Ben- 1. Introduction £ayyim, ed. by Moshe Bar-Asher, Aron Dotan, Gad B. Sarfatti, and David Téné, 359–378. Jeru- Modern Hebrew is a fusion language, includ- salem: Magnes. in Mish- ing elements from all the historical layers of את Oron, Yokheved. 1989. “Nominative naic Hebrew” (in Hebrew). Studies in the Hebrew the language. To quote Ben-£ayyim (1992:59), language and the Talmudic literature, ed. by “nothing in it has died and so there exist— Mena™em Zevi Kaddari and Shim’on Sharvit, and are in use—different chronological layers 27–34. Ramat-Gan: Bar-Ilan University Press. Peretz, Yitzhaq. 1967. The relative clause (in side by side, not on top of one another as in Hebrew). Tel-Aviv: Dvir. languages with a historic continuity”. How- ´in our ever, very frequently, in cases in which A אַל Qimron, Elisha. 1983. “The particle ancient sources” (in Hebrew). Hebrew Language succeeds A of an earlier layer of Hebrew, both studies presented to professor Ze’ev Ben-£ayyim, ed. by Moshe Bar-Asher, Aaron Dotan, Gad B. A and A´ coexist, though differentiated either Sarfatti, and David Téné. Jerusalem: Magnes. functionally or stylistically. In addition, apart ——. 1992. “Considerations on modal tenses from recent grammaticalizations and pragma- in Mishnaic Hebrew” (in Hebrew). Lłšonénu 55:89–96. tizations, there are also inherited constructions Sarfatti, Gad B. 1980. “Determination of fixed that are reinterpreted under the influence of phrases formed by means of the construct state in similar constructions found in the contact- Mishnaic Hebrew” (in Hebrew). Studies in Hebrew languages to which Hebrew speakers/writers and Semitic languages dedicated to the memory of Prof. Eduard Yechezkel Kutscher, ed. by Gad B. have been exposed over the more than one Sarfatti, Pin™as Artzi, Jonas C. Greenfield, and hundred years of its existence, especially Slavo- Mena™em Zevi Kaddari, 140–154. Ramat-Gan: Yiddish at the revival time and English in more Bar-Ilan University Press. recent decades. ——. “The prosodic function of the definite arti- cle in Rabbinic Hebrew” (in Hebrew). Lłšonénu Unlike morphology, the syntax of Mod- 44:185–201. ern Hebrew is dynamic and subject to rapid ——. 1989. “Definiteness in noun-adjective phrases changes. The microsyntax (‘internal form’) of in Rabbinic Hebrew” (in Hebrew). Studies in Modern Hebrew is Semitic (Goldenberg 1996), the Hebrew language and the Talmudic litera- ture: Dedicated to the memory of Dr. Mena™em though there are a few scholars who con- Moreshet, ed. by Mena™em Zevi Kaddari and tend that it is a distinct Europanized language © 2013 Koninklijke Brill NV ISBN 978-90-04-17642-3 708 syntax: modern hebrew different from its classical Semitic origin (Rosén constructs the plural is suffixed to the genitive suggested that it be renamed ‘Israeli Hebrew’). noun, at the end of the construct form, and not bar בר מצוות ,.Yet, the macrosyntax displays strong influence to the construct head noun, e.g of European languages. Its Semitic essence is mißvot ‘parties of Bar-Mitzva’, instead of nor- bne mißva. In contemporary בני מצווה clearly demonstrated by the use of the pure mative יותר/פחות nominal clause (lacking a copula; Nominal Hebrew the comparative determiners Clause), word order of determinant noun co-occur occasionally as superlatives (possibly before determiner ( Word Order), agreement English-induced). As a result, the definite article between noun and adjective ( Agreement), is not attached to the adjective as normatively and the profuse use of the genitive construc- required, but is rather preposed as a definite היא אחת ,.tion of construct state nominals ( Construct marker of the entire phrase, e.g hi a≤at ha-«a≤qaniyot השחקניות היותר מוכשרות -State). Unlike some other spoken Semitic lan guages (e.g., neo-Aramaic and neo-Ethiopian ha-yoter muxšarot ‘she is one of the most tal- languages), Modern Hebrew still preserves the ented actresses’. inherited (Hebrew, Semitic) patterns of verbs A deviation from the classical order of deter- and nouns. Synthetic verb and noun patterns, minate before determiner and from agreement however, are employed in complementary dis- in definiteness occurs in a very limited number tribution with analytic constructions comprised of cases, crucially where the determiner is השחקנית ,.of a semantically depleted verb or noun and a interpreted as a ‘semantic prefix’, e.g -ha-«a≤qanit ha-safeq הספק-ילדה ספק-אישה nominal adjunct carrying the lexical burden of the expression (Halevy 2000b). Transitiv- yalda safeq-±iša ‘the semi-child semi-woman -ha-heqšer ha-≤uß ההקשר החוץ-לשוני ;’ization of unergative/unaccusative ( Unac- actress cusative) verbs is spreading within present-day lešoni ‘the extra-linguistic context’. Hebrew, while, on the other hand, there is a The definite article is encoded in the voca- dan דן היקר ,’ha-more ‘Teacher המורה ,.remarkable expansion of datival constructions tive, e.g ( Dative). ha-yaqar ‘Dear Dan’. In colloquial language, Modern Hebrew is susceptible to rapid pro- however, undetermined vocatives prevail, too גברת ,.cesses of change not only because of its inten- (possibly Yiddish/English-induced), e.g מותק, ;’nehag ‘driver נהג ;’sive exposure to European languages, but also gveret ‘Miss, Lady -moteq, ma qara? ‘Sweetie, what hap מה קרה? due to the special circumstances of its relatively recent revival as a medium of everyday and pened?’. In the case of inalienable nouns (nouns spoken language confronting new semantic and of appurtenance) the definite