W&M ScholarWorks Dissertations, Theses, and Masters Projects Theses, Dissertations, & Master Projects 1990 Natural Hair Styling: A Symbol and Function of African-American Women's Self-Creation Juliette Bowles College of William & Mary - Arts & Sciences Follow this and additional works at: https://scholarworks.wm.edu/etd Part of the African American Studies Commons, Fashion Design Commons, and the Women's Studies Commons Recommended Citation Bowles, Juliette, "Natural Hair Styling: A Symbol and Function of African-American Women's Self-Creation" (1990). Dissertations, Theses, and Masters Projects. Paper 1539625574. https://dx.doi.org/doi:10.21220/s2-j7ya-j195 This Thesis is brought to you for free and open access by the Theses, Dissertations, & Master Projects at W&M ScholarWorks. It has been accepted for inclusion in Dissertations, Theses, and Masters Projects by an authorized administrator of W&M ScholarWorks. For more information, please contact [email protected]. NATURAL HAIR STYLING: A SYMBOL AND FUNCTION OF AFRICAN-AMERICAN WOMEN'S SELF-CREATION A Thesis Presented to The Faculty of the American Studies Program The College of William and Mary in Virginia In Partial Fulfillment Of the Requirements for the Degree of Master of Arts by Juliette Bowles 1990 APPROVAL SHEET This thesis is submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts Juliette H. Bowles Approved, March 1990 Carol OaT^e^ Department of Anthropolb^y, Virginia Commonwealth University _________. ■'.-{ /{ \s\ <-^7 ? JoaAne Braxton Theodore Reinhart TABLE OF CONTENTS Page ACKNOWLEGEMENTS........................................................... iii ABSTRACT................................................................... iv CHAPTER I. DEFINITION OF THE PROBLEM.................................. 2 CHAPTER II. WE WEAR THE MASK........................................... 18 CHAPTER III. TALKING HEADS: HAIR STYLES AS PUBLIC SYMBOLS........ 52 CHAPTER IV. CONDITIONS: HAIR AND HOLISM............................. 73 CONSIDERATIONS FOR FURTHER RESEARCH.................................. 105 BIBLIOGRAPHY............................................................. 108 ACKNOWLEDGMENTS The writer wishes to thank Professor Carol Oakey for her sensitive supervision of this work, for her helpful recommendations and encouragement. Special thanks are also extended to Professors Joanne Braxton and Theodore Reinhart for their careful reading of the manuscript and their helpful recommendations. ABSTRACT The primary purpose of this study is to examine the symbolic and functional values of natural hair styling in the experience of kinky- haired African-American women. An additional objective is to provide a historical and social context for understanding the significance of hair in the African-American feminine persona. The methodology used for this study was two-fold: (1) African- American women were interviewed to obtain information on the technique of styling kinky hair in its natural state and on the personal meaning and social consequences of wearing natural styles; and (2) a theory on the relation of hair to whole being was developed and used to interpret the function of natural hair in the experience of African-American women. The results of the study suggest that African-American women's natural hair styles are self-reflecting, self-affirming manifestations of consciousness; that self-reflection is essential to the whole being of black women; and that black women's evolution of natural hair styles is a significant factor in the development of well-functioning human relations in the United States. NATURAL HAIR STYLING: A SYMBOL AND FUNCTION OF AFRICAN-AMERICAN WOMEN’S SELF-CREATION CHAPTER I DEFINITION OF THE PROBLEM INTRODUCTION i) Intensive tensions accompany the care, styling and image of the hair of African-American women and girls. We were taught to regard our hair as generically inferior— "bad," and to assume that it needs to be "done” (chemically or thermally straightened) in order to be styled in a presentable way. This attitude comes from an idea that is ingrained in our minds from a very early age— that kinky hair textures and deep brown skin tones are not as pretty as straight or wavy textures of hair and lighter skin tones. Black girls do not learn to appreciate the physical features that we inherit from our West African ancestors. And while some of the truth emerges as we grow into middle and old age (dark skin is durable!), the perception of the hair "problem" persists. Out of a lower per capita income than whites, black Americans spend three times more per capita than whites on "cosmetics and toiletries"l (a market category which includes hair care products), and additional money is spent on hair dressing services. However, these ^"The Business of Beauty," Black Enterprise, March 1989, 51. 2 3 considerable expenditures of money and time on efforts to alter the structure of our tightly curled hair do not produce completely satisfactory results. The tension between the natural hair growing at the roots and the restructured "relaxed" hair shaft damages the hair and adds another dimension of anxiety to the concern that black women bear about the condition of our hair. Chemical relaxers strip the surface of the hair, causing the weakened shaft to easily split or break; hot comb straightening can burn the hair, giving it a frazzled look; both processes can harm the scalp. Because hair straightening processes cannot achieve the look desired by some black women, they resort to "hair weaves," a process by which a mass of straight or wavy hair is attached to one's own hair. The use of elaborate hair weaves was conspicuous among black female entertainers during the 1980s, a trend which produced tensions among the "weave"-wearers and other women who regard the Look as specious. The convention of the vast majority of African-American women to conceal the natural character of the hair has resulted in the institutionalization of a false identity for black women. And with the false identity established as our common standard, we forgot how we really look. A personal case in point: When I was 23, a male friend, who liked the new "Afro" style worn by black women, insisted that ray hair was kinky in its natural condition. I was not sure. Never experiencing my hair in its natural condition, I only knew it as a blurred image glimpsed through a beautician's mirror. The just washed natural mass would be straightened with a hot comb or "relaxed" with chemicals. 4 Between visits to the beauty parlor, the hair would "go back" to a bushy, semi-straight state which I unwittingly came to regard as the "real" texture of my hair. But my friend was right. With his encouragement, I discovered the genuine texture of my hair and, wearing natural styles, learned how I really look. Framing the face and covering much of the head, the hair is the most conspicuous part of a woman's persona: it mediates the presentation of the self to the world. In the black feminine persona, straightened hair styles are affectations— affects of racial and gender oppression, affects of restricted self-definition. Over the past 20 years, social scientists, educators, politicians and others have grappled with the issue of the disintegration of the black family and other problems disproportionately affecting black America. Advancing explanations, they often cite factors such as inadequate educational and employment opportunities for black people. In addition to these areas of major consideration, there is a question related to the psycho-social condition of blacks which is seldom raised: Has a negative perception by blacks and whites of the Africoid character of black people's physical features influenced the psychological and social functioning of African-Americans? Analysis of the African-American hair straightening convention raises such questions. A probing discussion of the social implications of hair straightening among blacks was reported to the historian Theodore Rosak who noted it in a study on the right of all individuals to self­ 5 discovery. During a rap session held in the 1960s, a group of students planning a demonstration took up the question of hair straightening: Some members of the group are wearing their hair straight; others are wearing their hair natural. Between them, an argument breaks out and within minutes it grows painfully heated— precisely because it is so sharply focused on a personal taste that is in practice here and now...or rather on a taste some have adopted and believe to be personal. The exchange soon broadens to cover sexual preferences generally. Do blacks really think "black is beautiful"? Do they honestly experience themselves that way? Is the love they profess— men for women, women for men— as real as they like to believe? Is their image of beauty their own or the imprint of white media and white advertising? Why (at least in the early stages of Black Power) did so many black male leaders take up with white women? Is Black Power simply the black version of male chauvinism? Will its result be a new put-down for the black woman? Have any those present overcome the "shade prejudice" within their own community of friends and lovers? How many of white society's standards have gotten inside their heads, inside their sexual responses?2 A deeper internal tension exists between the African feminine "animus" or "mythoform" and the illusionary Caucasian-oriented persona that conceals it. Identified by C. G. Jung as the masculine impulse that grows out of the feminine psyche, the "animus" has a more general, gender-neutral usage as a referent to the individual's inner personality. The "mythoform" is a designation given by R. P. Armstrong to a pattern in the psyche which performs some of the functions assigned to the "animus" and which, moreover, possesses forms and processes that are particular to specific cultures.3 (For a complete definition, see "Definition of Terms" section of this Introduction.) 2 Theodore Rozak, Person/Planet (Garden City: Anchor Press/Doubleday, 1978) 17. 3 Robert Plant Armstrong, Well spring: on the Myth and Source of Culture (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1975) 95.