Notes 1 Introduction L. Mohler, 'Bessarions Instruktion filr die Kreuzzugspredigt in Venedig (1463)', Romische Quartalschrift 35 (1927), 337-49, trans. N. Housley, Documents on the Later Crusades, 1274-1580 (Basingstoke, 1996), pp. 147-54, no. 48. 2 Quoted inN. Housley, The Later Crusades, 1274-1580. From Lyons to Alcazar (Oxford, 1992), p. 107. See also]. Helmrath, 'Pius II. und die Ti.irken', in Europa zmd die Tiirken in der Renaissance, ed. B. Guthmi.iller and W. Kuhlmann (Ti.ibingen, 2000), pp. 79-137, at 122-3. 3 For events and historiography see my Later Crusades. 4 S. Runciman, A History of" the Crusades, 3 vols (Cambridge, 1951-54), 3: 427-68. 5 N. Iorga, Notes et extraits pour servir a 1'/zistoire des croisades au XVe siccle, qua­ trieme serie (1453-1476) (Bucharest, 1915), p. iii. See also M. M. Alexandrescu­ Dersca, Nicolae Iorga- A Romanian Historian of" the Ottoman Empire (Bucharest, 1972), pp. 11-34. 6 N. M. Nagy-Talavera, Nicolae Iorga. A Biography (Ja~i, 1998), pp. 132-3. He points out (p. 80) that in 1897-8 lorga taught a seminar at the University of Bucharest on 'the sources of the crusades during the fifteenth century'. 7 See Nagy-Talavera, Nicolae Imsa; W. 0. Oldson, The Historical and Nationalistic Thought o(Nicolae Iorga (Boulder, Co., 1973). Neither work constitutes a sat­ isfactory study of this extraordinary man, but there is a useful collection edited by D. M. Pippidi, Nicolas Iorga, l'homme et /'oeuvre (Bucharest, 1972), esp. the essays by M. M. Alexandrescu-Dersca Bulgaru, M. Berza, Virgil Cindea and Andrei Pippidi. 8 Alexandrescu-Dersca, Nicolas Iorga - A Romanian Historian of" the Ottoman Empire, passim. 9 Iorga, Notes et extra its ... quatrieme serie, pp. v-vi. The meaning of the passage is confused: note the use of inverted commas, distancing its author from this view of the Ottomans; and cf. M. M. Alexandrescu-Dersca-Bulgaru, 'N. Iorga et l'histoire de !'empire ottoman', in Nicolas Jorga, pp. 175-86, at p. 180; V. Candea, 'Nicolas Iorga, historien de !'Europe du Sud-est', ibid., pp. 187-249, at pp. 188-9. 10 V. P. Borg, The Rough Guide to Malta and Gozo (London, 2001), p. 98. 11 'To the Vatican and Venice I have made almost annual archival pilgrimages for more than twenty years': The Papacy and the Levant, vol. 2, p. vii. 12 For example, 'Lutheranism and the Turkish Peril', Balkan Studies 3 (1962), 133-68, and 'Pope Leo X and the Turkish Peril', Proceedings of" tlze American Philosophical Society 113 (1969), 367-424. 13 The Papacy and the Levant, vol. 1, p. vii. 14 See my Later Crusades, pp. 470-2. 15 P. Russell, Prince Henry 'the Navigator'. A Li(e (New Haven, 2000). 182 Notes 183 16 R. Black, Benedetto Accolti and the Florentine Renaissance (Cambridge, 1985), ch. 9 passim; ]. Hankins, 'Renaissance Crusaders: Humanist Crusade Literature in the Age of Mehmed II', Dumbarton Oaks Papers 49 (1995), 111-207, important both for its published texts and for the commentary. For Bisaha, Helmrath and Meserve, see their essays in this volume. 17 D. Goffman, The Ottoman Empire and Early Modern Europe (Cambridge, 2002); C. Imber, The Ottoman Empire, 1300-1650. The Structure ofPower (Basingstoke, 2002); C. Kafadar, Between Two Worlds. The Construction of the Ottoman State (Berkeley, 1995). 18 On the debate about 'Turkishness', see my Religious Warfare in Europe, 1400-1536 (Oxford, 2002), ch. 5 passim. 19 See my Later Crusades, ch. 10. 20 See my article, 'Indulgences for Crusading, 1417-1517', in Promissory Notes on the Treasury of Merits: Indulgences in the Late Middle Ages, ed. R.N. Swanson, forthcoming. 21 Le Banquet du faisarz. 1454: /'Occident face au def1 de /'empire ottoman, ed. M.-T. Caron and D. Clauzel (Arras, 1997). 22 On liturgy, see now the fundamental study by Amnon Linder, Raising Arms: Liturgy in the Struggle to Liberate Jerusalem in the Late Middle Ages (Turnhout, 2003). 2 Italian Humanists and the Problem of the Crusade 1 R. Schwoebel, The Shadow of the Crescent: the Renaissance Image of the Turk, 1453-1517 (Nieuwkoop, 1967); ]. Hankins, 'Renaissance Crusaders: Humanist Crusade Literature in the Age of Mehmed II', Dumbarton Oaks Papers 49 (1995), 111-207; N. Housley, Religious Warfare in Europe, 1400-1536 (Oxford, 2002), esp. 131-59. 2 Aeneas Silvius Piccolomini, Opera omnia (Basel, 1551), p. 657: 'Intuere deinde mores hominum, ac nostrorum principum facta considera, quantus avaritiae sinus patet, quanta inertia, quanta voracitas? ... Et tu cum hisce moribus deleri posse Turcorum exercitus putas?' 3 Ibid., p. 656: 'Quare, inquam, bone sperem? Christianitas nullum habet caput, cui parere omnes velint. Neque summo sacerdoti, neque imperatori quae sua sunt dantur. Nulla reverentia, nulla obedientia est. Tanquam ficta nomina, picta capita sint, ita papam imperatoremque respicimus. Suum quaeque civitas regem habet. Tot sunt principes quot domus. Quomodo tot capitibus, quot regunt Christianum orbem, arma sumere suadebis?' 4 Coluccio Salutati, letter to Jobst, margrave of Moravia, in Epistolario, ed. F. Novati, 4 vols (Rome, 1891-1911), 3: 197-217, at 208-9. 5 Ibid., p. 209: 'Nos autem Christiani traditi luxui et inertie, luxurie et gule intendimus.' 6 Ibid., p. 211: 'Expectabimusne donee ista contentio, proh dolor!, accendatur in bellum, vel usque quo Teucrorum audacia ... in Christianos irruat et moveatur? Serum erit reconciliationem querere ... ' 7 See, especially, Justin, Epitome of Pompeius Trosus, 2.2.14-15. 8 For his life and works, see R. Arbesmann, 'Andrea Biglia, Augustinian Friar and Humanist (t1435)', Analecta Augustiniana 28 (1965), 154-85. 184 Notes 9 But see D. Webb, 'The Decline and Fall of Eastern Christianity: A Fifteenth­ Century View', Bulletin of the Institute of Historical Research 49 (1976), 198-216; G. Fioravanti, 'Commentarii Historici de defectu fidei et Orientis di Andrea Biglia', Rinascimento, 2nd ser., 19 (1979), 241-6; M. Meserve, 'From Samarkand to Scythia: Reinventions of Asia in Renaissance Geography and Political Thought', in Pius 11 'El Piu Expeditivo Ponte(ice'. Selected Studies on Aeneas Silvius Piccolomini, ed. A. Vanderjagt (Leiden, 2003), 13-39, esp. 31-2. 10 On late medieval pundits in the last decades before print, see D. Hobbins, 'The Schoolman as Public Intellectual: Jean Gerson and the Late Medieval Tract', American Historical Review 108 (2003), 1308-37. 11 On these, see D. Webb, 'Andrea Biglia at Bologna, 1424-7: A Humanist Friar and the Troubles of the Church', Bulletin of the Institute of Historical Research 49 (1976), 41-59. 12 Vatican City, Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana, MS Vat. lat. 5298, fol. 108r-v: 'Sic cecidimus mutata Romani imperii sede, quasi simul ac Romana cepit esse ecclesia, fides desierit esse catholica ... Sic se res habet, postea quam Constantinopolim fasces abiere, claves deserte sunt ... Coepit in de pessum ire Romanum imperium ac prorsus res Romana dissolvi ubi nee liberalitatis memoria nee ordinum tituli fuere.' 13 Biglia makes clear that in his opinion the Arabs were barbarians, unruly sub­ jects of the proper, civilized rulers of the ancient East, namely Assyria and Persia. 14 N. Daniel, Islam ami the West: The Making of an Image (Edinburgh, 1960), chapter 4; idem, 'Crusade Propaganda', in A History of the Crusades, ed. K. M. Setton, 6 vols (Madison, 1969-89), 6: 39-97, esp. 39-53. ]. V. Tolan, Saracens: Islam in the Medieval European Imagination (New York, 2002). 15 Vat. lat. 5298, fol. 83': 'Hinc data late licentia imperii simul ac fidei hostibus, quicumque vellent, iugum ac religionem detrectare; quo factum est postea, ut utriusque vires plus in hoc orbe valerent, coniunctatis fide ac potentia principum.' 16 Ibid., fol. 87': 'Tam absurdos ilia Machometi superstitio effecerat, ut penitus viderentur humanitatem repudiavisse. Omnis ilia veterum ... memoria exciderat, ut ne vestigium quidem cognite aliquando virtutis superesset.' 17 Webb, 'Decline and Fall', pp. 213-15, argues convincingly that Biglia's hopes for Sigismund had soured by the time of his actual coronation, a fact which explains the pessimistic note on which the work concludes and may also account for the multiple dedications of the work. 18 Ibid., pp. 203-5. 19 R. Fubini, 'Biondo, Flavio', Dizionario biografico degli Italiani, 10 (Rome, 1968), pp. 536-59, esp. 573-4; D. Hay, 'Flavia Biondo and the Middle Ages', Proceedings of the British Academy 45 (1960), 97-128; E. Cochrane, Historians and Historiography in the Italian Renaissance (Chicago, 1981), pp. 34-40. 20 A draft may have been complete by 1442, but the work was not published for another two years: Hay, 'Flavia Biondo', pp. 103-5. It is unclear whether Biondo knew Biglia's Commentaries, though there are strong similarities between the two works. 21 See the opening lines of the book (Decades, p. 150): 'Scribentem hactenus decimo volumine non magis Romanorum imperii inclinationem, quam ipsius urbis Romae atque Italiae desolationem, ad quam superius eas Notes 185 ostendimus perductas, saepe moestitia, saepe pavor invasere. Nunc tan quam ipse in periculi parte versor, horreo consyderare atque recensere, quam gelido trementique corde, Romani et suarum partium Ttali regis Aistulfi saevitiam formidabant.' 22 Biondo, Decades, p. 151: 'Sed dum tantis fluctuat angiturque vel detrimentis vel periculis Roma et Ttalia, Constantinus imperator nullam subveniendi curam suscepit, quanquam varia tunc, et sibi ipsi contraria usus est fortuna. Et quidem hinc earn habuit imperator secundam, quod Turci tunc primum Asiam invadentes, Halanos primo, post Colchos, et Armenios, inde Asiae Minoris populos et ad extremum Persas, Saracenos agrorum direptionibus, et mortalium magnis repertorum aut congredi ausorum caedibus infestarunt.' 23 Hay, 'Flavio Biondo', p. 120, citing Biondo, Decades, pp. 163-4 and 166; E. Fryde, Humanism and Renaissance Historiography (London, 1983), pp. 8-9. 24 Biondo, Decades, pp. 207-9. 25 Ibid., p. 207: 'Paucos ante annos, gens e Perside Agarena (quam vos corrupte Saracenam dicitis) sanctam civitatem Hierosolymam, sanctae terrae loca invadens cepit ..