View metadata, citation and similar papers at core.ac.uk brought to you by CORE provided by MPG.PuRe Wonders in the Academy: The Value of Strange Facts in the Experimental Research of Charles Dufay Author(s): Michael Bycroft Source: Historical Studies in the Natural Sciences, Vol. 43, No. 3 (June 2013), pp. 334-370 Published by: University of California Press Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/10.1525/hsns.2013.43.3.334 . Accessed: 09/12/2013 04:18 Your use of the JSTOR archive indicates your acceptance of the Terms & Conditions of Use, available at . http://www.jstor.org/page/info/about/policies/terms.jsp . JSTOR is a not-for-profit service that helps scholars, researchers, and students discover, use, and build upon a wide range of content in a trusted digital archive. We use information technology and tools to increase productivity and facilitate new forms of scholarship. For more information about JSTOR, please contact [email protected]. University of California Press is collaborating with JSTOR to digitize, preserve and extend access to Historical Studies in the Natural Sciences. http://www.jstor.org This content downloaded from 141.14.238.38 on Mon, 9 Dec 2013 04:18:19 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions MICHAEL BYCROFT* Wonders in the Academy: The Value of Strange Facts in the Experimental Research of Charles Dufay ABSTRACT What happened to wondrous phenomena during the European Enlightenment? A familiar answer is that the learned elites of the period, and especially those linked to the Royal Academy of Sciences in Paris, either ignored wonders or debunked them. Historians of science who have challenged this answer have so far paid little attention to one of the main sources of evidence usually invoked in its favor, namely the experimental reports of the chemist Charles Dufay (1698–1739). This paper con- siders Dufay’s published articles, especially those on phosphorescence and elec- tricity, and argues that far from disdaining wonders he valued them as a means of discovering new regularities and of correcting and confirming hypotheses. Moreover, his interest in wonders was due partly to three concerns that he shared with other members of the Academy, and especially with chemists such as Claude-Joseph Geoffroy and Jean Hellot. These concerns were the production of a large amount of empirical data, the practice of alchemy, and the need to write for an audience of non-academicians. One moral of this study is that Dufay had more in common with two of his seventeenth-century sources, Robert Boyle and Athanasius Kircher, than historians have so far supposed. Another is that the difference between lay and learned attitudes to wonders, insofar as it existed in the eighteenth century, lay not in the ejection of wonders from serious inquiry but in the shifting background of *Department of History and Philosophy of Science, University of Cambridge, Free School Lane, Cambridge CB23RH, United Kingdom; [email protected]. The following abbreviations are used: DD, Dufay Dossier, Folder Donner a` M. l’abbe´ Nollet, Archives of the Royal Academy of Sciences, Paris, France; DSB, Complete Dictionary of Scientific Biography (Detroit: Charles Scribners Sons, 2008); HAS, Memoires´ de l’Academie´ Royale des Sci- ences, Paris, France; HS, Hans Sloane manuscript collection, British Library, London, UK; MAS, Memoires´ de l’Academie´ Royale des Sciences, Paris, France; MF, Mercure de France, Paris, France; PT, Philosophical Transactions of the Royal Society of London; PV, Proces-verbaux´ of the Royal Academy of Sciences. Historical Studies in the Natural Sciences, Vol. 43, Number 3,pps.334–370.ISSN1939-1811, electronic ISSN 1939-182X. © 2013 by the Regents of the University of California. All rights reserved. Please direct all requests for permission to photocopy or reproduce article content through the University of California Press’s Rights and Permissions website, http:// www.ucpressjournals.com/reprintinfo.asp. DOI: 10.1525/hsns.2013.43.3.334. 334 | This content downloaded from 141.14.238.38 on Mon, 9 Dec 2013 04:18:19 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions WONDERS IN THE ACADEMY | 335 expectations against which different groups judged which facts were wondrous and which were mundane or unsurprising. KEY WORDS: Royal Academy of Sciences, Charles Dufay, wonders, phosphorescence, electricity, Claude-Joseph Geoffroy, Robert Boyle, Athanasius Kircher How astonished would be those who have written entire volumes singing the praises of the marvellous properties of this stone, if they saw today that it is almost impossible to find any material in the world that does not have the same qualities! Today it would be very unusual to find a substance that could not be made luminous, either by calcination or by dissolution.1 The stone mentioned in the first sentence of this passage is the Bologna stone, and its ‘‘marvellous properties’’ included the ability to glow in the dark after being exposed to bright light. The passage appeared in a paper read to the Royal Academy of Sciences in Paris in 1730, and was published two years later in the Memoires´ of that institution. The author was Charles Dufay (1698–1739), then an adjoint in the chemistry section of the Academy. Dufay argued that a large number of materials could be made to glow in the dark, just like the Bologna stone, through simple operations familiar to any chemist of the day. It is perhaps no surprise that historians have seen Dufay’s article as evidence of the decline of wonders as respectable subjects of study by natural philoso- phers during the European Enlightenment.2 For example, Lorraine Daston has contrasted the ‘‘facts of regular phenomena’’ sought by Dufay with the ‘‘facts of strange phenomena’’ that fascinated his English predecessor Robert Boyle.3 In Daston’s view this contrast exemplifies a broader trend in which learned thinkers in the early eighteenth century turned up their noses at the rare, inexplicable, and one-of-a-kind phenomena that had been common currency among the ‘‘preternatural philosophers’’ of the seventeenth century, a group that included members of the Academy who took up Francis Bacon’s call for the study of all that was ‘‘new, rare and unusual in nature.’’4 Daston does not 1. Charles Dufay, ‘‘Memoire´ sur un grand nombre de phosphores nouveaux,’’ MAS (1730): 524–35,on534 (henceforth ‘‘Phosphores nouveaux’’). All translations are my own unless otherwise indicated. 2. Wonders as natural phenomena, and not wonder as an emotional response to nature, is the topic of this paper. 3. Lorraine Daston, ‘‘The Cold Light of Facts and the Facts of Cold Light: Luminescence and the Transformation of the Scientific Fact, 1600–1750,’’ Early Modern France 3 (1997): 1–27. 4. Lorraine Daston and Katharine Park, Wonders and the Order of Nature, 1150–1750 (New York: Zone Books, 1998), chap. 5; Lorraine Daston, ‘‘Preternatural Philosophy,’’ in Biographies of This content downloaded from 141.14.238.38 on Mon, 9 Dec 2013 04:18:19 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions 336 |BYCROFT maintain that such phenomena disappeared altogether in the eighteenth cen- tury. Her claim is rather that they ceased to be of interest to the new philo- sophical elites, who followed their spokesman, Bernard le Bovier de Fontenelle, Perpetual Secretary of the Academy from 1697 to 1739, in admiring the exquisite harmony of nature rather than gawping at her unfathomable mystery. Similarly, Christian Licoppe has contrasted Dufay’s interest in stable, invariable phenomena with the ‘‘pleasing, visual, surprising and singular’’ phenomena favored by his seventeenth-century predecessors in the Academy.5 For both authors, Dufay’s article on phosphors signaled the arrival of ‘‘a new kind of fact and practice.’’6 This narrative has not gone unchallenged. Gaston Bachelard wrote long ago that experimenters in the eighteenth century were ‘‘filled with naı¨ve curiosity ...marvelling at any phenomenon instruments produce.’’7 Since then numer- ous historians have explored the theme of ‘‘science and spectacle in the Euro- pean Enlightenment,’’ to borrow the title of a recent collection.8 There is no - Scientific Objects, ed. Lorraine Daston (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2000), 15–41.In these works Dufay’s article on phosphors is invoked as a key example on pp. 352 and 40, respectively. Cf. Lorraine Daston, ‘‘The Factual Sensibility,’’ Isis 79, no. 3 (1988): 452–67; Lorraine Daston, ‘‘Strange Facts, Plain Facts, and the Texture of Scientific Experience in the Enlighten- ment,’’ in Proof and Persuasion: Essays on Authority, Objectivity, and Evidence, ed. Suzanne L. Marchand, Elizabeth Lunbeck, and Josine Blok (Turnhout, Bel.: Brepols, 1996), 42–59; Lorraine Daston, ‘‘The Language of Strange Facts in Early Modern Science,’’ in Inscribing Science: Sci- entific Texts and the Materiality of Communication, ed. Timothy Lenoir (Stanford, CA: Stanford University Press, 1997), 20–38. ‘‘New, rare and unusual’’ at Francis Bacon, Novum Organon (London, 1620), bk. 2, par. 29,inThe Works of Francis Bacon, ed. Basil Montagu, 17 vols. (London, 1831), vol. 14, 138, quoted in Lorraine Daston and Katharine Park, ‘‘Unnatural Con- ceptions: the Study of Monsters in Sixteenth- and Seventeenth-Century France and England,’’ Past and Present 92, no. 1 (1981): 20–54,on20. Although Wonders, cited above, is cowritten with Katharine Park, Daston has written a number of single-authored papers supporting the view about eighteenth-century wonders put forward in that book, including a paper dealing in some detail with Dufay. Daston, ‘‘Cold Light’’ (ref. 3). Hence in this paper I attribute that view to Daston and not to Park. In one text Daston places the transition from ‘‘strange facts’’ to ‘‘plain facts’’ around 1730 rather than around 1700, and draws on Dufay’s research for examples of both kinds of fact; but this is atypical.