BANWA Series A OPEN ACCESS | PEER REVIEWED INVITED PAPER Husay, Sandugo, and Kapatiran: Peace Process and Education for Development* Rudy B. Rodil Mindanao State University–Iligan Institute of Technology, Philippines Abstract. The current paper is fused from two papers delivered in separate events: “A Mindanao Historian’s Views On the Basic Issues of the GRP-MILF Peace Process,” delivered during the Peace Process Exchange Workshop hosted by the Hiroshima University Partnership for Peacebuilding and Capacity Development (HiPeC) from 30 July to 5 August 2012, and “Peace Process and Peace Education for Development,” delivered during the Teaching Enriched History and Bridging Cultures: In Search of Peace in Mindanao, Philippines” hosted by the Mindanao State University–Marawi at Crystal Inn, Iligan City, last 21 June 2013. In this invited paper, I draw on my many years of experience as an academic, peace advocate, and member of the government peace panel in talks with the Moro National Liberation Front (MNLF) from 1993 to 1996 and with the Moro Islamic Liberation Front (MILF) from 2004 to 2008. I have also added a few reflections given the recent developments in the Bangsamoro Basic Law and the Mamasapano incident. Keywords: Bangsamoro; Lumad; Mindanao; peace education; peace process; Philippine history Introduction 1996 and with the Moro Islamic Liberation Front (MILF) from 2004 to 2008. In this paper, I will talk about the peace process and peace education for development by raising 1. On the Frameworks of the Peace Talks five points for discussion. More specifically, I will When the Muslim Independent Movement talk mainly about the formal peace negotiation (MIM) articulated its cause in 1968, its intention between the government and the rebel groups, was to put up an Islamic state in predominantly namely, the Moro National Liberation Front Muslim areas of Mindanao.1 The MNLF’s (MNLF) and the Moro Islamic Liberation Front proclaimed goal was to establish a Bangsamoro (MILF), from 1975 to the present, and on the issue Republik covering the entirety of Mindanao, Sulu, of the Lumad or indigenous peoples of Mindanao. and Palawan. The MILF announced its vision to I draw on my many years of experience as an create an Islamic state covering the predominantly academic, peace advocate, and member of the Muslim areas of Mindanao, Sulu, and Palawan. government peace panel in talks with the Moro The government has always been threatened and National Liberation Front (MNLF) from 1993 to has consistently defended itself, insisting that it cannot allow the constitution and national sovereignty to be undermined and the territory of *Editor’s Note. The following article is solicited from an established scholar and appears in the non-peer-reviewed “Invited Papers” section of the journal. All other submissions appearing in other sections of the journal, unless otherwise 1. Former President Ferdinand Marcos had a private talk with specified, are peer-reviewed. Datu Udtog Matalam, the head of the Muslim Independence Movement (which later became the Mindanao Independence Correspondence. Dr. Rudy B. Rodil, Retired Professor, Movement), and then Marcos appointed Matalam as Mindanao State University–Iligan Institute of Technology, presidential adviser on Muslim affairs and gifted him with a Andres Bonifacio Ave, Iligan City, 9200 Lanao del Norte, gold wristwatch. After which, there was no more activity in Philippines. Email: [email protected] the MIM front. BANWA | ojs.upmin.edu.ph 1 Banwa 11A (2014/2015): INV-002 BANWA Series A OPEN ACCESS | PEER REVIEWED the republic to be dismembered. The assumption the issue to the Supreme Court, and the Supreme is that the republic is standing on solid foundation Court aborted the signing and soon ruled the and must be defended at all cost. MOA-AD as unconstitutional in October of the While negotiations between the government same year. and the Bangsamoro, mainly the Moro National In the negotiations during the term of Liberation Front (MNLF) and the Moro Islamic President Aquino, the two panels arrived at what Liberation Front (MILF), has been going on in the I call a historic convergence in succession, the last forty years, from 1975 to the present, already Ten Decisions (April 2012) and the Framework between 100,000 and 120,000 lives have been lost Agreement (October 2012), a political leap from and billions of pesos have gone down the drain. the ARMM. What items are politically new? Let If the problem has taken so long to discuss and me cite four of the ten decisions: has not yet been solved, maybe we do not have a common grasp of the problem. So how about • The recognition of Bangsamoro identity and rethinking the problem? Some military generals the legitimate grievances3 and claims of the have said, “We were second lieutenants when we Bangsamoro people. started fighting the Moro rebels in the early ’70s. • The ARMM is unacceptable and a new autonomous political entity shall take its place. Now, we are generals and are still fighting.” They • The new autonomous political entity shall have a have solid reason to think that military force is ministerial form of government. not the answer. The peaceful way, peace process, • There will be power sharing and wealth sharing peace education, and community dialogues just between the national government and the new might provide the way, they added. political entity. In the ensuing peace negotiations, informal and formal, with both the MNLF and the MILF, The Ten Decisions became the guide in the from Ferdinand Marcos (1972) to Benigno formulation of the Framework Agreement on Simeon C. Aquino III, the stand of the Office of the Bangsamoro. Part of the framework is the the President to the peace negotiating panel has four annexes on power sharing, wealth sharing, always been to negotiate within the framework normalization, and transition arrangements, the of the Philippine Constitution and the territorial discussion on which are ongoing. Let me highlight integrity of the republic. This was how the Tripoli the following additional details: Agreement of December 1976 was reached, with the insertion of these two paragraphs: (1) “First: • The Bangsamoro shall be governed by a basic law, The establishment of Autonomy in the Southern formulated and ratified by the Bangsamoro. Philippines within the realm of the sovereignty • Core territory of the Bangsamoro: (1) ARMM and territorial integrity of the Republic of the Philippines,” and (2) “The Government of the Philippines shall take all necessary constitutional 2. I became a subject of “persona non grata” official resolution by no less than the city council where I reside – for processes for the implementation of the entire my participation in the MOA-AD in 2008. I am not taking Agreement.” The Final Peace Agreement on the this personally; this is a demonstration of the emotional implementation of the Tripoli Agreement was dimension of the problem. proof that the Philippine government has opened 3. Legitimate grievance is an open concept, undefined and itself to political restructuring with the creation not acceptable to all. It is also a feeling, an emotion, with of the Autonomous Region in Muslim Mindanao corresponding energy. In short, we are dealing with live people. The best thing really is to do consultation with those who are (ARMM). directly affected by the conflict. When they see that people But the MILF did not accept the said Final care enough to go out of their way and come to talk to them, Agreement and proceeded with the Moro struggle positive energy is created by this gesture and opens the way for self-determination. After years of GRP–MILF towards reconciliation and harmony. Grievances mean felt problems. How they feel about it will say what their expected negotiation, the Memorandum of Agreement on responses are, at least initially. The consultation report should Ancestral Domain (MOA-AD)2 was born in July show the measurable dimensions of the problem, as well as the 2008. Political oppositions immediately raised emotional component, and whether their expected response is implementable. BANWA | ojs.upmin.edu.ph 2 Banwa 11A (2014/2015): INV-002 BANWA Series A OPEN ACCESS | PEER REVIEWED territory; (2) the six municipalities of Baloi, 2. On Rereading and Rewriting History Munai, Nunungan, Pantar, Tagoloan, and I have an important question at this point. Tangkal in Lanao del Norte; barangays of the Which Philippines are we talking about when we Municipalities of Kabacan, Carmen, Aleosan, talk about “Philippine history”? May I invite you Pigkawayan, Pikit, and Midsayap that voted for to take one step backward to 12 June 1898? inclusion in the ARMM during the 2001 plebiscite; (3) the cities of Cotabato and Isabela; and (4) all On 12 June 1898, Emilio Aguinaldo other contiguous areas where there is a resolution proclaimed the independence of the Philippines. of the local government unit or a petition of at As an affirmation of that event, we now celebrate least ten percent (10%) of the qualified voters in our independence day on the twelfth of June. the area asking for their inclusion at least two Question: Was the Philippines of 1898 the same months prior to the conduct of the ratification as the Philippines we have today? of the Bangsamoro Basic Law and the process of My reading is that in 1898, there were at least delimitation of the Bangsamoro. three states here in the region we now know as • Bangsamoro’s justice system shall cover the the territory of the Republic of the Philippines: customary rights and traditions of indigenous peoples. the Philippines; the Sultanate of Sulu, which had • Vested property rights shall be recognized and been a state since 1450 to 1898; and the Sultanate respected. of Maguindanao, which was founded in 1619 • Indigenous peoples’ rights shall be respected. and was still intact in 1898.