6 Social and Political Philosophy John Stuart Mill (1806–1873) one of the leading advocates was the most important Eng- of liberalism, Mill also wrote lish philosopher during the a number of highly influential 125 years between the death works on logic and the theory of David Hume in 1776 and of knowledge, including A Sys- the turn of the twentieth cen- tem of Logic and An Examina- tury. Trained from his youth by tion of Sir William Hamilton’s his father, James Mill, to be a Philosophy. defender of the utilitarian doc- As a young man, Mill be- trine of Jeremy Bentham and friended Mrs. Harriet Taylor, the Philosophical Radicals, Mill JOHN STUART MILL with whom he maintained a devoted his early years to an close relationship until, after Source: Courtesy of the Library of Congress unquestioning support of his fa- her husband’s death, they were ther’s principles. After undergoing a severe emotional married in 1851. Mill believed Mrs. Taylor to be an crisis in his twenties, Mill gave up the narrow doctrine enormously gifted thinker, and he was convinced that of Bentham and became instead an eclectic synthesizer she would have made her mark on English letters had of the views of such diverse schools as the French uto- it not been for the powerful prejudice against women pian socialists and the German romantics. that operated then, as it does now. His relationship Mill was active in the public life of England, fi rst as with Mrs. Taylor made Mill sensitive to the discrimina- an offi cer (and eventually head) of the great East India tion against women, with the result that he became one Company, a principal instrument of English economic of the few philosophers to speak out on the matter. His expansion during the nineteenth century, and later as discussion of the problem appears in a late work, The a member of Parliament. In addition to the books on Subjection of Women, published four years before his moral and political topics that have established him as death. Explore on myphilosophylab.com CHAPTER OUTLINE Mill and Classical Laissez-Faire Liberalism The Socialist Attack on Capitalism Rousseau and the Theory of the Social Contract The Pluralist Theory of the State The Racial Critique of the Social Contract Theory of the State Contemporary Application: Is Health Care a Right? Listen to the Chapter Audio on myphilosophylab.com ne of the central analytical devices of the great social and political Ophilosophy of the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries is the “state of nature,” that condition or situation of human beings in which there is no state, no government, no law. Some philosophers, like Thomas Hobbes, portray this pre-social and politi- cal condition as an ugly and dangerous time of strife and constant danger. Others, like the Swiss philosopher Jean-Jacques Rousseau, conceive of the state of nature as an ideal time in which human beings can develop their true nature uncorrupted by civilization. Even today, we fi nd some people who love city life, and think of the country as a bleak and boring place, while others hate city life and long for the simplicity and beauty of the country. The truth, of course, is more complicated, as Cathcart and Klein recognize. A wild rabbit is caught and taken to a National Institutes of Health laboratory. When he arrived, he was befriended by a rabbit that had been born and raised in the lab. One evening the wild rabbit noticed that his cage hadn’t been properly closed and decided to make a break for freedom. He invited the lab rabbit to join him. The lab rabbit was unsure, as he had never been outside the lab, but the wild rabbit fi nally convinced him to give it a try. Once they were free, the wild rabbit said, “I’ll show you the number-three best fi eld,” and took the lab rabbit to a fi eld full of lettuce. After they had eaten their fi ll, the wild rabbit said, “Now I’ll show you the number-two best fi eld,” and took the lab rabbit to a fi eld full of carrots. After they had had their fi ll of carrots, the wild rabbit said, “Now I’ll take you to the number-one best fi eld,” and took the lab rabbit to a warren full of fe- male bunnies. It was heaven—non-stop lovemaking all night long. As dawn was beginning to break, the lab rabbit announced that he would have to be getting back to the lab. 3 4 CHAPTER 6 Social and Political Philosophy “Why?” said the wild rabbit. “I have shown you the number-three best fi eld with the lettuce, the number-two best fi eld with the carrots, and the number-one best fi eld with the ladies. Why do you want to get back to the lab?” The lab rabbit replied, “I can’t help it. I’m dying for a cigarette!” As Cathcart and Klein comment, “Such are the benefi ts of an organized society.” MILL AND CLASSICAL LAISSEZ-FAIRE LIBERALISM Some, it is said, are born great; some achieve greatness; and some have great- ness thrust upon them. To that saying we might add: and some are trained from birth for greatness. Of all the philosophers who have won for themselves a place in the ranks of the great, none was more carefully groomed, schooled, prodded, and pushed into greatness than the English empiricist and utilitarian thinker of the nineteenth century, John Stuart Mill. Never has a child been given less chance to “do his own thing,” and never has a man defended with greater eloquence the right of every man and woman to be left free from the intrusions of well-meaning par- ents, friends, and governments. Though it would be wrong to reduce Mill’s mature philosophical views to the level of mere psychological refl ections on his childhood experiences, the temptation is irresistible to see in his adult career a reaction to the pressures of his youth. Mill was born in 1806, a time when a strong movement was developing to re- form the political life of England. The intellectual leader of the movement was the same Jeremy Bentham whose utilitarian doctrines you encountered in Chapter 5 . We took our fi rst look at utilitarianism in its guise as a moral philosophy designed to lay down a principle for calculating what actions are right for an individual fac- ing a decision. But Bentham’s primary interest was in social issues, not in private morality. He conceived the Principle of Utility as a weapon in the attack on the traditions, privileges, laws, and perquisites of the English upper classes. So long as courts and governments could hide behind precedent or immemorial custom, it was extremely hard to force them to admit the injustices and irrationalities of the social system. But once those ancient customs were put to the test of the Principle of Util- ity, it was immediately clear how badly they had failed to produce the greatest hap- piness for the greatest number. One of Bentham’s close friends and associates in the reform movement was the philosopher James Mill. Mill was a thinker of considerable distinction, although he has long since been eclipsed by his more famous son. His writings on economics and moral philosophy erected a system, on Benthamite foundations, which served as a fortress from which the Philosophical Radicals, as they were called, sallied forth to do battle with the last remnants of the aristocratic hosts. Shortly after the birth of his son John Stuart, James Mill met Bentham and joined forces with him. Mill de- cided to train his son as a soldier in the reform movement, and no medieval squire ever had a more rigorous preparation for combat. Little John Stuart began studying Greek at the age of three. His father surrounded him with Latin-speaking servants, so that by the age of eight he could dig into that other ancient tongue. Logic was young John Stuart’s fare at twelve, to be followed shortly by the study of the new science of political economy. Formal religion was deliberately omitted from the cur- riculum, but the poor lad may be forgiven for having somewhat formed the notion that he was being raised by an orthodox utilitarian. By the time he reached adulthood, John Stuart Mill was a brilliant, fi nely honed logical weapon in the armory of his father’s political battles. He wrote attacks on CHAPTER 6 Social and Political Philosophy 5 James Mill (1773–1836) ames Mill (1773–1836) was a close friend and colleague of Jeremy Bentham, the founder of the doctrine known as utilitarianism. Mill led a group of Eng- Jlish political reformers who believed that social justice and wise government required a broadening of the franchise to include the industrial middle classes in England, and a thoroughgoing overhaul of the antiquated laws and governmen- tal machinery which, in Mill’s day, strongly favored the landed interests in Eng- land. Mill and the Philosophical Radicals, as his circle of supporters was called, succeeded in generating enough support to carry through a number of major re- forms, culminating in the sweeping Reform Bill of 1832. Mill’s son, the great John Stuart Mill, had this to say about his father’s position in The Autobiography of John Stuart Mill: “So complete was my father’s reliance on the infl uence of reason over the minds of mankind, whenever it is allowed to reach them, that he felt as if all would be gained if the whole population were taught to read, if all sorts of opinions were allowed to be addressed to them by word and by writing, Source: The Granger Collection and if by means of the suffrage they could nominate a legislature to give effect to the opinions they adopted.” the antiquated legal and political institutions of England, defending his points with straight utilitarian dogma.