1 1857 as reflected in Persian and Urdu documents Prof. S.M. Azizuddin Husain Department of History Jamia Millia Islamia New Delhi – 11025 On 1857 thousands of documents are available in Persian and Urdu in India in the following places: (1) National Archives of India, New Delhi and Bhopal; (2) Delhi State Archives, Delhi, Commissioners Office, Mehrauli, Delhi; (3) U.P. State Archives, Lucknow and Allahabad; (4) Bihar State Archives, Patna; (5) Rajasthan State Archives, Bikaner and Jaipur; (6) Maulana Azad Library, AMU, Aligarh; (7) The Mahafiz Khanas of District Centres of some of the districts of U.P., Bihar, Madhya Pradesh and personal collections in northern India. Imperial Record Department published the Press List of Mutiny Papers of 1857 in 1921. But a large number of documents in Persian and Urdu are neither listed nor indexed. It is 150 years since 1857 and still it is difficult to say that how many Persian and Urdu documents are lying in various archives and libraries of India and Pakistan? No reference media has been prepared for these records. Therefore, it is very difficult to consult these documents. Not only this, but another difficulty which is most likely to be encountered while consulting these documents is that these documents are difficult to decipher. Most historians of modern Indian History can’t read this script so it is natural 2 that most of the research that has been conducted on 1857 uptil now is based on the records of the British Administration. These records are available in English. Prof. H.K. Patel, teaching history in Rabindra Bharti University, Kolkata, in his paper on –“Aspects of Nationalist response to 1857 in the early twentieth century ” presented in the National Seminar organized by ICHR, on – “Historiography of 1857: debates in the past and the present state of knowledge in December, 2006”. Patel agreeing with Ramesh Rawat writes, “In this context these observations of a scholar is worth citation: (1) “1857 left no significant literary heritage either for Hindi or for Urdu.” (2) I partly agree with Ramesh Rawat and H.K. Patel. They can be correct for their assessment of Hindi literature but for Urdu literature they seem to be in darkness. This is the knowledge of our 20 th and 21 st century historians of modern Indian history about Urdu literature on 1857 so what can we expect from them for Persian literature on 1857. What shall we debate, when we have no knowledge of primary source material available on 1857. Moreover, these documents are under a threat for the lack of proper preservation and conservation due to climatic conditions. They were exposed to varying temperatures of 2 0 C to 44 0 C. Only National Archives of India, New Delhi has an air-conditioned stack area. In other regional Archives, these documents have faced 150 summers and winters lying without any protection as the importance of these documents is not known, again due to lack of knowledge of Persian and Urdu. If stringent measures are not taken to save these documents, they will perish after sometime. Already the paper used in many of these documents has become brittle and because of this, it is becoming difficult to handle and read these documents. 3 What has been taught uptil now as the history of 1857 is based on British records and the information that is contained in about 60,000 documents written in Persian and Urdu documents is totally left out. So we can say that what we have written on 1857 is the half version of 1857 and half version is missing from our writings. In this paper I have examined some significant Persian and Urdu documents dealing with 1857, which shed new light on 1857. “Akhbar-i-Durhi-i-Khassa-i-Darbar-i-Mualla dated Ist Ramazan 21 Julus / 16 th May, 1857. Reporting that forty nine Britishers were arrested and army was called in to kill all of them.” (3) Abstract from the court diary regarding slaughter of European prisoners. “Representation submitted by Hyder Husain that Moinddin servant of Hyder Husain resident of Qila-i-Mubarak that the Imambara was built by Nawab Ishrat Ali Khan Khwaja Sara of the Emperor. For a period of fifty years he had given it to his sister Anjumanun Nisa and her husband Abdur Rahim. Since they were issueless, the possession of this imambara was passed on to their adopted son Sadiq Ali. Then Sadiq Ali’s son Sarfaraz Ali became the mutawalli (Trustee) of this imambara . As he was suffering from some mental problem, Hyder Husain was appointed as its mutawalli . Sarfaraz Ali got married to the sister of Sahab-i-Alam Bahadur. Now Sahab-i-Alam Bahadur and the mother of Sarfaraz Ali are living in that Imambara . It was ordered that Bhao Singh should go to Kucha Muhammadi Begum and ask Sahab Alam Mirza Raja 4 Bakht Bahadur to vacate it. But he refused to vacate the Imambara . Representation was submitted by Nooruddin, Khwaja Ghulam Ali, Muhammed Bakht Maimar, Saiyid Haider Husain. Report of action taken submitted by Bhao Singh”. (4) It reflects the condition of Shahjahanabad prevailing in 1857. State administration had no control or almost collapsed. Even the waqf properties were illegally occupied by the officials of the Mughal government. But it is quite surprising that Mirza Sangin Beg who compiled Sairul Manazil in 1825 and Sir Saiyid Ahmed Khan who compiled Asarus Sanadid in 1846 does not mention the existence of this Imambara in Kucha Muhammedi Begum. Sangin Beg mentioned about Feel Khana (Elephant House) of Mirza Jahangir in the same locality. (5) But in 1857, Kuch Muhammedi Begum was demolished by the British so now there is no trace of this Imambara . Addressed to the Emperor, “As per your order Amir Begum and Badshah Begum along with their children were arrested because they were identified as Christians and were kept in the Kotwali . But some people submitted that they are Muslims. We can free them. We are waiting for your orders.” (6) How is it possible that a 19 th century Muslim women will be taken as Christian women? Does this mean Christian women started wearing the dress worn by Muslim women of Shahjahanabad? “We the Muslim and the Hindu residents of the dargah of Hazrat Nizamuddin Aulia, state that since the officials of Thana Badarpur have been posted at Arab Sarai, we are living in peace. Now the residents of Katra , Arab Sarai and the Dargah of Hazrat Nizamuddin Aulia can sleep at night. Loot and plunder of the area is stopped completely. 5 The Thanedar has taken the muchelkas (bonds) of the Gujars of the area. We have recorded this mehzar (Decree) so that it can be useful at any moment of the time.” (7) This document is signed by Hindus and Muslims both. It bears seals and signatures of 14 persons. It reflects the law and order situation in Delhi in the last week of May, 1857. Gujars had taken full advantage of the weakness of the Mughal administration. “From Faizullah, Subehdar , with Salam and respects. Regarding the repair of Lahori gate. Due to some fault it can’t be used. Nusrat Khan did not send the carpenters to repair it. It is the order of the Emperor that Lahori gate should be opened from tomorrow morning.” (8) It also reflects worsening situation that the main gate of Qila-i- Mubarak stopped functioning and a person who was directed to send a carpenter did not send the carpenters. The Emperor’s orders had to be obtained for even such small tasks. “Letter addressed to Mirza Zahiruddin, complaining about the position of the treasury and low income. Due to paucity of resources we are not in a position to pay salaries of the persons serving. We are trying to take one lac twenty thousand rupees on loan.” (9) This document reflects the financial position of Mughal government during the period of revolt that they did not have money to pay the salaries. Naturally in such a situation they could not fight with the British who were having lot of resources. How one can run the government by taking loan? “Application of Hafiz Abdur Rehman addressed to Mughal emperor stating that he used to sell meat but he is not a Qasai (butcher) by caste. Due to some problem all the 6 professions are closed in Shahjahanabad. Due to this problem I was not in a position to earn for my meal. I have started selling Kababs . Yesterday, some butchers were arrested by army men for killing cows. When they were passing through my shop, I was preparing meat for making kababs , they thought that I am also a butcher so they arrested me also and put me in jail alongwith other Qasais .” (10) It reflects that people were not in a position to earn for their livelihood after the break of mutiny. Secondly, strict action was taken by the Mughal officials who were found guilty of killing cows. But some innocent persons were also arrested by the police of Shahjahanabad. Thirdly, even for such simple cases applications were addressed to the Mughal emperor. “Shaikh Ghulam Nabi, sawar, a resident of Amroha submits that “I have taken leave and came from Adilpur, near Banaras. I stayed for two or three days at my residence in Amroha and now I am here at your service. I am the only person of my regiment who has joined you.” (11) Mutiny broke out on 10 th May, 1857 and some Indians serving the British army, left their job and joined the service of Bahadur Shah.