QUAYE, TIFFANY GEORGE BUTLER, Ph.D. Stories of the Greensboro Massacre. (2012) Directed by Dr. Thomas F. Jackson. 166 pp. The dawn of the 1980s proved to be a troubling period in many southern cities in America because of racial conflict, class inequities, and frayed politics. These tensions often overlapped and, at times, were fatal. One of the most tragic examples of extreme racial violence occurred in Greensboro, North Carolina, on November 3, 1979, when the multi-racial Communist Workers Party (CWP) attended a demonstration to protest against the notorious Ku Klux Klan (KKK). The procession, referred to as a “Death to Klan” march, was scheduled to begin in a public housing, predominately black working- class community called Morningside Homes. As the marchers were gathering, a group of Nazis and Klansmen drove through the protest site in a nine-car caravan and unloaded eighty-eight seconds of gunfire. 1 As a result, five people were killed including one African American woman, three Caucasian men, and a Cuban American male, all of whom were a part of the CWP. This event, which was dubbed the 1979 Greensboro Massacre, has remained a contentious topic over the past thirty years. However, while the story appears to be straightforward, it will be demonstrated through this study that it is more complex than it appears. This work will present this one event through the lens of the personal stories of those who were directly involved in the tragedy. There were four main groups: the Communist Workers Party, the Ku Klux Klan, the Greensboro Police Department, and 1 Institute for Southern Studies, “The Third of November,” Southern Exposure 9 (1981): 62. the residents of Morningside Homes. They all have positions within the story of the 1979 Greensboro Massacre, and when considering their interpretations, it is clear that there is no such thing as a single truth of this event. In fact, there are multiple truths. This work, however, is not relativistic on the issue of responsibility for the violence. Where possible, the perspectives of each group have been interwoven with the “facts” given in the criminal and civil trials as well as FBI files. What has become clear is that, with the exception of the residents, each party had a responsibility for the 1979 tragedy. This study will discuss the realities of each group at the time the massacre happened, what they think now about the decisions that were made by those who were involved, and the way they continue to understand and recall this event. How the people who took part in the 1979 Greensboro Massacre “remember” is not only important for how one may view and understand the murders in years to come, but it is also important for putting to rest many of the misunderstandings and unsubstantiated claims that are often associated with the event. By way of the evidence, this emotionally driven topic will reveal how all of those involved in that fateful November conflict felt threatened, were victimized, and have often been misinterpreted. STORIES OF THE GREENSBORO MASSACRE by Tiffany George Butler Quaye A Dissertation Submitted to the Faculty of The Graduate School at The University of North Carolina at Greensboro in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree Doctor of Philosophy Greensboro 2012 Approved by _______________________ Committee Chair © 2012 Tiffany George Butler Quaye To my parents and sister for their unending love and support. Also, to Malia, my love, my baby, thank you for reminding me what reigns as being most important. No doubt about it, you were sent from above. Lastly, to the people of Morningside Homes….you have not been forgotten and this work is my ode to you. ii APPROVAL PAGE This dissertation has been approved by the following committee of the Faculty of The Graduate School at The University of North Carolina at Greensboro. Committee Chair ______________________________ Committee Members _______________________________ _______________________________ _______________________________ ___________________________ Date of Acceptance by Committee ___________________________ Date of Final Oral Examination iii ACKNOWLEDGMENTS I would like to acknowledge all the brave souls who revealed their hearts and their most protected, intimate details and recollections of the 1979 Greensboro Massacre. Also, a special recognition to Bennett College Archivist Marcellaus A. Joiner who aided my navigation through the Truth and Reconciliation Collection. Without your assistance, this project would have literally been impossible. And, lastly, to my advisor Dr. Thomas F. Jackson for believing in this project from the beginning to the end. iv TABLE OF CONTENTS Page ABBREVIATIONS ........................................................................................................... vi CHAPTER I. INTRODUCTION .................................................................................................1 II. “WE SHALL NOT, WE SHALL NOT BE MOVED”: THE COMMUNIST WORKERS PARTY (CWP) AND THE FIGHT AGAINST WHITE SUPREMACY .......................................... 13 III. “I DON’T SEE THE DIFFERENCE BETWEEN KILLING COMMUNISTS IN VIETNAM AND KILLING THEM HERE”: THE NORTH CAROLINA KLAN AND THEIR STRATEGIES OF DEFENSE AGAINST LEFTIST POLITICS ...................................................................................................... 44 IV. THE LOCAL POLICE AND THEIR RESPONSE TO EXTREMISM: “OUR PLANNING AND PREPARATION FOR THE ANTI-KLAN MARCH WAS ADEQUATE AND PROPER” ..............................................................................................72 V. “THE DIRT IS STILL BLOODY”: MORNINGSIDE HOMES AND THE LASTING EFFECTS OF A TRAGEDY ...................................103 VI. CONCLUSION .................................................................................................144 VII. EPILOGUE .......................................................................................................148 REFERENCES .............................................................................................................. 159 v ABBREVIATIONS CWP COMMUNIST WORKERS PARTY KKK KU KLUX KLAN GPD GREENSBORO POLICE DEPARTMENT RWL REVOLUTIONARY WORKERS LEAGUE BCCPB BLACK CITIZENS CONCERNED WITH POLICE BRUTALITY GAPP GREENSBORO ASSOCIATION FOR POOR PEOPLE vi CHAPTER I INTRODUCTION The dawn of the 1980s proved to be a troubling period in many southern cities in America because of racial conflict, class inequities, and frayed politics. These tensions often overlapped and, at times, were fatal. One of the most tragic examples of extreme racial violence occurred in Greensboro, North Carolina, on November 3, 1979, when the multi-racial Communist Workers Party (CWP) attended a demonstration to protest against the notorious Ku Klux Klan (KKK). The procession, referred to as a “Death to Klan” march, was scheduled to begin in a public housing, predominately black working- class community called Morningside Homes. As the marchers were gathering, a group of Nazis and Klansmen drove through the protest site in a nine-car caravan and unloaded eighty-eight seconds of gunfire. 1 As a result, five people were killed including one African American woman, three Caucasian men, and a Cuban American male, all of whom were a part of the CWP. This event, which was dubbed the 1979 Greensboro Massacre, has remained a contentious topic over the past thirty years. However, while the story appears to be straightforward, it will be demonstrated through this study that it is more complex than it appears. 1 Institute for Southern Studies, “The Third of November,” Southern Exposure 9 (1981): 62. 1 This work will present this one event through the lens of the personal stories of those who were directly involved in the tragedy. There were four main groups: the Communist Workers Party, the Ku Klux Klan, the Greensboro Police Department, and the residents of Morningside Homes. They all have positions within the story of the 1979 Greensboro Massacre, and when considering their interpretations, it is clear that there is no such thing as a single truth of this event. In fact, there are multiple truths. This work, however, is not relativistic on the issue of responsibility for the violence. Where possible, the perspectives of each group have been interwoven with the “facts” given in the criminal and civil trials as well as FBI files. What has become clear is that, with the exception of the residents, each party had a responsibility for the 1979 tragedy. This study will discuss the realities of each group at the time the massacre happened, what they think now about the decisions that were made by those who were involved, and the way they continue to understand and recall this event. How the people who took part in the 1979 Greensboro Massacre “remember” is not only important for how one may view and understand the murders in years to come, but it is also important for putting to rest many of the misunderstandings and unsubstantiated claims that are often associated with the event. By way of the evidence, this emotionally driven topic will reveal how all of those involved in that fateful November conflict felt threatened, were victimized, and have often been misinterpreted. Clearly, the calamity goes beyond the murder of five people of different ethnicities. Questions that linger include the following: What inspired the Communist Workers Party to plan such a march? Why did they choose Morningside? What was it 2 about the CWP that angered the Klan so? Why did the Klan make a decision to kill? Finally, where