Stephen Roskams 43 THE URBAN TRANSITION IN THE MAHGREB Stephen Roskams University of York Introduction lengths of time and then, at the end of their “nor- mal” life, were either intentionally re-cycled as When considering social and economic develop- building material or simply redeposited when sub- ment in the Western Mediterranean from the sequent occupation churned up debris from earlier fourth century, the urban archaeology of North periods (for example, it is not uncommon for the Africa will be a vital component, both in terms of vast majority of finds from provably post-Roman internal dynamics and in terms of external trade levels to be Roman in date). Finally, numismatic networks and the articulation of food surpluses evidence rarely clarifies the dating of sequences as supplied to other areas. In addition, documents many coins are illegible and some areas produced supply a good general history of the region (see, for no local coinage at particular points in time (for example, FREND 1952, COURTOIS 1955 and PRINGLE example the Carthage mint between AD420-80). 1981) and detailed epigraphic sources fill out this Solutions lie with more careful stratigraphic broad sweep of development. The latter tell us recording, for example using simple techniques about urban evolution as a whole, the changing such as spraying with water to enhance distinc- status of individual Roman towns, and even who tions between deposits; care in noting construction was involved in creating the urban fabric (high- methods of walls; attention to the status of diffe- status civilians in Africa Proconsularis, the pro- rent deposits to assess likely residuality; and vincial governor in Numidia). Finally the rural wider use finds seriation, particularly with economy and associated social relations are under- respect to coarse pottery. Unfortunately much of stood at a general level.Grain production was con- this work remains to be done. centrated in Proconsularis, with olives grown These problems notwithstanding, the data further west; and the emperor seems to have been which has accumulated in North Africa is starting the largest landholder, controlling an area of three to be synthesised (LEPELLEY 1992 for the Mahgreb thousand square miles (of which 60% was cultiva- and, for the Tripolitanian material, KING 1989 and ted), with other tracts of land under aristocratic SJ Ö S T R Ö M 1 9 9 3 ) . Of course, apparent patterns in management. this evidence are derived from a small-sized and Urban life was vital to Rome, so towns are a peculiar sample of towns comprising, almost natural focus for those considering developments exclusively, the upper echelons of urban hierar- beyond the fourth century. However, problems chy.Hence any response to it must be guarded and abound with the archaeological evidence for the any interpretations preliminary and questionable. p e r i o d . Practical obstacles are created by the The towns discussed below (Section I - “Urban diverse organisation of fieldwork in the different Trajectories”) are presented case-by-case, starting countries of North Africa, which limits comparabi- with Carthage (1) then lower-order settlements lity between regions.To this can be added the tech- discussed in terms of defensive measures (2), set- nical difficulty of defining tenuous stratigraphic tlement shift (3) and more complex internal chan- distinctions in a dry climate. Additional methodo- ges (4). Thereafter some patterns are drawn out logical problems relate to the nature of post- and traditional approaches to their interpretation Roman material culture. These include its com- questioned (II - “Explanatory Frameworks”). plex sequences of buildings utilising diverse con- Finally it is suggested that archaeologists need to struction techniques; the later robbing of building move away from setting their evidence in structu- stone dividing sequences into separate islands, res preordained by documentary history and to with few diagnostic deposits to aid correlations reintegrate the urban material with that derived between them; and the issue of finds residuality, from other archaeological studies (III - “Long- since many artefacts were used for considerable distance Trade and the Rural Economy”). 44 EARLY MEDIEVAL TOWN IN WEST MEDITERRANEAN I Urban Trajectories the Punic circular war harbour had been conver- ted by the Romans into a religious monumental 1. The Punic and early-Roman development of scheme with central temple, followed, it seems, by Carthage, in all periods at the head of the urban the disuse of the harbour in the fifth century hierarchy (see Figure 1 for the position of this, and ( HU R S T 1976 - but see now FR E E D, HU R S T 1 9 9 1 ) . every other, town highlighted in the text), has Byzantine redevelopment saw the construction of been reasonably well known for some time.Howe- a new set of monuments around its edges and of a ver, the inauguration of the UNESCO “Save colonnaded perimeter. Similarly the Antonine Carthage” project 20 years ago has increased con- baths, further along the coast, were in decay siderably our understanding of late- and post- during the fifth century but partially rebuilt in the Roman periods. This evidence is discussed below sixth.Clearly, Justinianic rulers were prepared to with respect to defensive measures, then socio- invest in major programmes of urban renewal religious, commercial and residential zones. after Vandal abandonment. Byzantine revival The first defence of the Roman city occurred included not only defensive measures but the when a wall was built around Carthage c. AD425, recreation of urban monumentality. This had been an attempt by Theodosius, known from documen- central to citizenship in the heyday of the Roman tary sources, to shore up a decaying imperial sche- empire and remained equally vital, it seems, for me.Although the exact line of the wall is uncertain its Eastern successor. in a few places, archaeological evidence shows Excavations in commercial areas between the that it enclosed a vast area and was a hasty job, baths and harbours suggest a rather different pic- employing recycled masonry and using pre-exi- t u r e . Here a major change during the fourth to sting monuments - circus, amphitheatre, cisterns, sixth centuries was the insertion of cisterns, possi- residential housing - to reduce engineering costs bly after the demise of the Zaghouan aqueduct (HURST, ROSKAMS 1984, Chapter 4). The sequence which previously provided water for the city: excavated at one point implies that the wall lost its either the countryside was becoming more diffi- defensive function following the Vandal conquest cult to control or maintenance systems had ceased of the city, only a decade after its construction. to operate. Yet other activities continued unaba- Burials were inserted here against its outer face ted throughout that time.This is clearest on a site and rubbish accumulated, or was dumped, into its beside the circular harbour ( HU R S T 1995), where ditch and on its berm surfaces. However, the dit- the topographical scheme and associated property ches were re-cut and the wall repaired in the holdings set out at the start of the Roman period second quarter of the sixth century and maintai- remained essentially the same throughout of later ned thereafter, presumably as a result of Byzanti- centuries, as did the small-scale artisan activities ne reconquest. within the buildings. The only change concerns a It was not only increased defensive mechani- gradual process of encroachment from the fourth sms which concerned Byzantium. At the core of century onto the adjacent thoroughfares and quay. Carthage, on the Byrsa hill, the colonnaded basili- Nearby, fourth-century warehouses beside the ca, 85m long and 48m wide, built in the late- rectangular, commercial harbour also continued second century AD was destroyed and its fittings in use into the fifth century, though here with robbed during the period of Vandal rule. Y e t Byzantine refurbishment. Thus artisan produc- Byzantine conquest saw reconstruction, with apsi- tion and commercial facilities, unlike major monu- dal ends, new columns and floors added, its more ments, may have suffered no clear downturn after open internal plan suggesting a fortified mona- the Vandal conquest. The new élite seem as con- stery ( EN N A B L I 1 9 8 7 ) . A circular monument lying tent as their Roman counterparts to sponsor such to the north of the Byrsa, which resembles oriental “economic” activities. martyria, has been subject to intensive investiga- Finally, turning to trajectories in residential tion ( SE N A Y 1 9 9 2 ) . Constructed soon after AD350 areas, we have the example of a substantial town- in proportions influenced by the golden ratio, sei- house constructed after the mid-second century on smic disturbances (earthquakes are recorded for previously undeveloped ground on the edge of AD362 and 365) may account for remodelling on town, flanked by a street to its north ( HU R S T, its north side, followed by abandonment, brief RO S K A M S 1 9 8 4 ) . Street resurfacing and building reoccupation, then demise before the end of Van- modifications continued this scheme into the early dal rule.Modest Byzantine restructuring suggests fifth century, the point at which the Theodosian a revival of its fortunes but rapid desertion later in defences were set against the rear wall of the the sixth century shows this was short-lived. Evi- house. Soon after, and through the sixth century, dence elsewhere in the city is, unfortunately, too the whole complex