Kris E. Lane. Pillaging the Empire: Piracy in the Americas 1500-1750. Armonk, New York and London: M.E. Sharpe, xxiv + 237 pp. $58.95 (cloth) ISBN 0-7656-0256-3; $19.95, paper, ISBN 978-0-7656-0257-2. Reviewed by James E. Wadsworth Published on H-LatAm (April, 1999) Kris Lane weaves a tale of pirate activities in History or similar courses than in providing an the Americas and of Spanish responses to those original text based on primary research (p. xvii). activities that reveals aspects of pirate life and Despite the existence of regional and chronologi‐ culture not usually addressed in the standard his‐ cal studies of pirates, until now, no one has at‐ tories of Latin America. He demythologizes the pi‐ tempted an aggregate treatment of pirates in the rates of popular culture and places them in their Americas. This is what Lane has undertaken. broader historical context in which their activities In doing so, he had to deal with the often neb‐ are seen as more pecuniary than nationalistic. ulous distinction between corsairs, pirates, priva‐ Lane presents a concise narrative of the seaborne teers, buccaneers, and freebooters. These distinc‐ attackers of Spain's colonial empire, and, to a tions are largely a matter of perspective, but they much lesser extent, Portugal's. The book's claim to are, nonetheless, important because they repre‐ originality and to revisionism is that it presents a sented different kinds of activities. Piracy refers concise overview of piracy in American waters to unsanctioned sea-raiding, while privateering during the early modern period--including consid‐ refers to raids authorized by a monarch or other erable discussion of the often overlooked piracy governing body. Corsario was the Spanish term in the Pacific. for pirates and privateers alike. The terms bucca‐ Except for some archival research in South neer and freebooter (filibustier in French) arose American archives, this work is based on, and, as during the seventeenth century to refer to the Lane admits, dependent on, the work of scholars motley mix of Dutch, French, English, Spanish, such as David Cordingly, David Marely, Peter and Portuguese sailors who formed groups of Bradely, Peter Gerhard, Charles Boxer, and Carla raiders independent of nationalist ties often oper‐ Rahn Phillips--to name a few. In producing this ating without even symbolic legal sanction. The work, Lane has been more interested in produc‐ actual distinctions were usually unclear and, for ing a companion text on piracy suitable for World the recipients of these violent attacks, the distinc‐ H-Net Reviews tion made little difference. To the Spanish inhabi‐ Spanish and the English which gave way to open tants of the Americas, they were all foreign crimi‐ piracy on the part of the English between 1568 to nals who deserved no quarter. 1585. With the declaration of war in 1585, English Lane divides the history of piracy in the piracy turned into privateering which lasted until Americas into fve periods--the French corsairs about 1603. The privateers of this period carried between 1500 and 1559, the Elizabethan pirates on much as the pirates of the earlier period--ex‐ (1558-1603), Dutch pirates and privateers cept now they had official backing for their raids. (1570-1648), the seventeenth-century buccaneers, By 1600, English piracy in the Americas began and the end of buccaneering with the last of the to give way to the Dutch who resented Spain's reli‐ freebooters around 1730. He begins with a discus‐ gious orthodoxy and political domination. The sion of anti-Spanish piracy along the Barbary Dutch privateers also represented the commercial Coast in the sixteenth century as a context for the interests of the fedgling Dutch state. Dutch priva‐ activities of the French corsairs in the Americas. teering differed in two significant ways from the These corsairs were led by petty nobles and French and English pirates. Dutch privateering Huguenots of the sixteenth century. The patterns was a business and the sailors were employees of that arose out of Berber and French piracy in the Dutch companies which meant that they were not Mediterranean and later French piracy in the loosely organized and that they could not expect Americas set the stage for the patterns that equal shares of the proceeds of their work. These marked the piracy of the early modern period. seafarers, many of whom became disgruntled and This piracy reflected the broader religious and po‐ even rioted in Holland, formed the core of the litical tensions within Europe with Protestant next wave of Caribbean buccaneers. countries tolerating and often supporting piracy The last half of the seventeenth century was against the shipping and colonies of Catholic the golden age of piracy in the Americas. Seafar‐ countries and vice versa. Privateering became a ers from all of the major European countries in‐ shield for pirate activity and gave pirates the volved in the Americas were represented among cloak of legitimacy and legality. The practice of these groups who attacked frst Spanish and later hostage-taking also developed during this time, English, Dutch, and French shipping in the Carib‐ and Spain found itself forced to pay high ransoms bean. These buccaneers were a self-governing, and to adopt costly defense measures that it could more or less egalitarian conglomerate of adven‐ ill afford. The Spanish settlements in the New turers seeking freedom from rigid class hierar‐ World also found that they had to defend them‐ chies and intent on enjoying the fruits of their selves against pirate attacks because the empire labors. They also moved into the Pacific after the was simply too large to be defended effectively political climate in the Caribbean began to turn and defense measures were too costly for the against piracy. The Pacific pirates were most ac‐ crown to maintain. tive between 1680 and 1694. They spread destruc‐ The Elizabethan piracy of such notables as tion along the Pacific coast which reduced the lev‐ John Hawkins and Francis Drake can be broken el of trade, increased the isolation of towns and down into three major periods. The Elizabethans cities, exacerbated regionalist animosities, and di‐ engaged in contraband slave trading between verted crucial shipments of bullion away from 1558 and 1568 as English merchants refused to ac‐ Spanish coffers to meet local defense needs. cept Spain's monopoly of the slave trade and The golden age of buccaneering began to de‐ smuggled slaves into the Americas. This contra‐ cline after 1680 when an increasingly hostile legal band trade led to increased hostility between the and political environment developed as the Euro‐ 2 H-Net Reviews pean countries found that the privateering wolves Santos in 1599. The English and Irish also spent unleashed among the Spanish sheep did not al‐ considerable efforts in colonizing the Amazon ways distinguish between Spanish and English, River between 1550-1646.[1] Lane relies heavily French or Dutch sheep. What had been a cost ef‐ on Boxer's The Dutch Seaborne Empire, 1600-1800 fective mechanism for challenging the Spanish for his discussion on the Dutch in Brazil while ig‐ commercially and politically in the Americas had noring Boxer's earlier work The Dutch in Brazil become a threat to their own commercial and po‐ 1624-1654. Despite the Dutch interest in Spanish litical interests in the area. After 1680, with the shipping, the Dutch West India Company saw the passage of anti-piracy laws in Jamaica, a pirate Portuguese empire in Asia, Africa, and the Ameri‐ could be executed simply for being a pirate. The cas as the prime target for its military, naval, and English Act of Piracy of 1699 also allowed colonial commercial expansion.[2] The profitable sugar courts to try sea-robbers rather than sending producing regions of Northern Brazil drew them them to England. The famous Captain William in the early seventeenth century just as the newly Kidd was executed in 1701 as a result of this discovered gold deposits in the interior drew the change in the political climate. Even though ef‐ French in the early eighteenth century. With the forts at pirate repression began in the 1680s, it convenient excuse of Portugal's alliance with Eng‐ was not until 1716 that a genuine extermination land in the Wars of the Spanish Succession, the campaign began. The European states still found French attacked Rio de Janeiro, the main artery pirates to be useful at times. These extermination through which Brazilian gold fowed to Portugal, efforts were largely successful, and, after 1730, in 1710 and again in 1711.[3] even though piracy continued, it never enjoyed All of these assaults were costly and devastat‐ the freedom it had experienced in the seven‐ ing and they forced the Portuguese to respond teenth century. with expensive defense strategies, just as they did Lane's presentation is engaging and well con‐ the Spanish. A comparison of the effects of pirate structed. The informational sections included at predation on Brazil and Spanish America and the the end of each chapter are interesting and con‐ Spanish and Portuguese responses to it would tribute to the overall presentation of pirate life. have enhanced the book and made it a more truly There are sections on currency, navigation, ship‐ aggregate view of piracy in the Americas. A more building, gambling, shipwreck salvage, and sea‐ thorough discussion of Spanish and Portuguese faring diet. piracy as a specific response to piratical predation Although Lane includes a brief discussion of would have filled out the discussion. French and Dutch activity in Portuguese America, Nevertheless, Lane does a good job of show‐ on the whole, he avoids discussions of pirate ac‐ ing that piracy in the Caribbean was not separate tivity in Brazil.