UNIVERSITY OF HAWAI'I LIBRARY ISLAM, CIVIL SOCIETY AND DEMOCRATIZATION: THE CASE OF MUHAMMADIY AH AND NAHDLATUL ULAMA IN POST-SUHARTO INDONESIA A THESIS SUBMITTED TO THE GRADUATE DIVISION OF THE UNIVERSITY OF HAW Al'I IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF MASTER OF ART IN POLITICAL SCIENCE AUGUST 2008 By Pramono Ubaid Tanthowi Thesis Committee: Ehito Kimura, Chairperson Manfred Henningsen Benedict J. Kerkv liet We certifY that we have read this thesis and that, in our opinion, it is satisfactory in scope and quality as a thesis for the degree of Master of Art in Political Science. Thesis Committee: Chairperson: Ehito Kimura Member: Manfred Henningsen Member: Benedict J. Kerkvliet ABSTRACT Mnhammadiyah and Nahdlatul Ulama (NU) are two largest Islamic organizations in Indonesia. Long active as both religious and political organizations during 1950s and 1960s, they withdrew from formal political arena and declared their disengagement from any political parties in the 1970s and 1980s that enabled them to survive under the repressive Suharto regime and consequently develop nascent civil society movements. This thesis examines the relation between those Muslim civil society organizations and democratization in the post-Suharto Indonesia: how they defend their positions as autonomous entities beyond state and simultaneously intensely involve in political arena. It also studies their roles in the process of democratization. The study reveals a great deal ahout their participation in the political system, where they are now an important part of the political leadership and their interests are now well represented. However, the problem is that, in reality, there is a significant degree of overlap between civil society and political society as well as between civil society and the state. This study also shows the role of those Muslim civil society organizations in the democratization process. These mass-based religious organizations seemed to be consequential in all stages of democratization: they sought to broaden the free public sphere and combined their efforts, along with other pro-democracy movements, in de-legitimating and bringing the authoritarian Suharto regime down. They also join forces in encouraging political participation, monitoring the elections, forcing the government to be more accountable and transparent, and spreading the ideas of religious tolerance. 1 ACKNOWLEDGMENT This thesis is the product of two years of study and research on the dynamic relationship between Islam, civil society, and democratization in post-Suharto Indonesia. It also flows from over a decade of my personal involvement both in discourse and activism with Muhammadiyah, the second largest Islamic organization in Indonesia. There are so many people who have helped me along the completion in one way or another; they encouraged me, provided guidance, and never lost faith that I would complete this effort. The warmth and generosity of all of those who helped me during my two years of research and writing continually amazed me, and I apologize to anyone I fail to mention here. While I cannot list all those that I am grateful to, several deserve special recognition. I would like to thank first of all the member of my wonderfully supportive committee: Ehito Kimura, Manfred Henningsen, and Ben Kerkvliet. They always gave me valuable comments, challenged me with provoking insights, provided unique perspectives on my research, and went above and beyond the call of duty to accommodate me in their bnsy schedules. Their meticulons readings of my thesis also saved me from many errors (any remaining ones are my own responsibility). I have greatly enjoyed my interactions with my committee, and am honored to have had the opportunity to work with them. My study in the Department of Political Science at the University of Hawaii at Manoa, including my Graduate Certificate in International Cultural Studies, was made possible by the East-West Center Graduate Degree Fellowship. I was fortunate to receive financial support during my years of graduate study from the East-West Center, which was also greatly instrumental to my fieldworks in Indonesia. In the East-West Center, lowe thanks to Charles i Morison, Terry Bigalke, Mendl Djunaidy, and Stella Kolinski for their supports. My graduate study was also supported by some other institutions and individuals. In the Asia Foundation which provided me with additional funding during my first year lowe thanks to Douglas Ramage and Robin Bush. During the second year I received additional financial support from the American Indonesian Cultural and Educational Foundation (AICEF). I was also fortunate to receive valuable financial supports from the Central Board ofMuhammadiyah, Pusat Studi Agama dan Peradahan (pSAP), Kak Din Syamsuddin, Mas Jerne Geovannie, and Mas Rizal Sukma. Special thanks also to all who gave me their time and shared their insights in interviews and other conversations throughout my fieldworks in Indonesia. They not only infonned me about the political and social activities of the NU and Muhammadiyah in recent years but also provided me with many of the crucial perspectives and interpretatious ofIslam and civil society relations in Indonesia on which this study is based. Among those to whom I owe particular tbanks are Buya Syafii Maarif, Kak Din Syamsuddin, Kyai Hasyim Muzadi, Mas Haedar Nashlr, Kyai Masdar Mas'udi, A.S. Hikam, Mas Rizal Sukma, Eunsook Jung, Sukidi, Izzul Muslimin, Gunawan Hidayat, Ahmad Rofiq, Raja Jull Anthoni, Syaiful Bahri Anshori, Ahmad Suaedy, Syafiq Hasyim, Adung Abdurrahman, Zuhairi Misrawi, Muhamad Ali, Achmad Ubaedillah, Saiful Umam, and Lance Nolde. Above all, I want to thank my parents who always supported me with their advices and prayers. Finally, and the most importantly, an enonnous thank you to my wife Herawaty and my son Risyad Mahdavi Tanthowi who made immense gifts oflove throughout the years I had been leaving them and simultaneously brought me happiness on even the hardest days. It is to my wife and my son that I dedicate this work. ii GLOSSARY Anshor The youth wing ofNU. Bughat A tenn in Islamic law referring to rebellion against a legitimate ruler who thus deserves the death sentence. DPR Dewan Perwakilan Rakyat (House of Representatives). Fatwa Religious edict. Golkar Golongan Karya (Functional Groups), the political vehicle of the New Order Regime which was established in 1973 and survives the reform era. HMI Himpunan Mahasiswa Islam (The Islamic Student Association), the Masyumi-inspired stodent organization. Jjtihad Vigorous inquiry. The term is then adopted in Islamic law referring to legal reasoning in response to the newly­ emerged problems. IMM Ikatan Mahasiswa Mubammadiyah (The Muhanunadiyah Stodent Association). IRM Ikatan Remaja Muhammadiyah (The Muhammadiyah Adolescence Association). Istoghotsah A public prayer gathering which is mostly held by the NU organization. JPPR Jaringan Pendidikan Pernilih untuk Rakyat (the People's Voter Education Networks). i KAMMI Kesatuan Aksi Mahasiswa Muslim Indonesia (The United Action of the Indonesian Muslim Student), the newly PKS student wing. Khittah Original guideline. Kyai Traditional Islamic scholar which is mostly found in the NU community. Masyumi Majelis Syuro Muslimin Indonesia (The Consultative Council of Indonesian Muslims), the largest Islamic party in 1950s which was established in 1945 and forced to dismiss in 1960 by Sukamo. MPR Majelis Permusyawaratan Rakyat (people Consultative Assembly) Mill Majelis Ulama Indonesia (The Indonesian Council of Ulemas). Muktamar National Congress which is held in the NU and Mubammadiyah organizations once in every five years. PAN Partai Amanat Nasional (National Mandate Party), the party of Amien Rais which draws many of its members from the modernist Muslim camp. Parmusi Partai Muslimin Indonesia (The Indonesian Muslim Party). PBB Partai Bulan Bintang (The Crescent and Star Party). PBR Partai Bintang Reformasi (The Reform Star Party) ii PD Partai Demokrat (The Democrat Party) PDI-P Partai Demokrasi Indonesia Perjuangan (The Indonesian Democratic Party of Struggle). Pesantren Islamic boarding school which is mostly run and owned by kyai ofNU. PKB Partai Kebangkitan Bangsa (The National Awakening Party), the party of Abdurrahman Wahid which draws many of its members from the traditionalist Islam camp. PKl Partai Komunis Indonesia (The Indonesian Communist Party). PKS Partai Keadilan Sejahtera (The Prosperous Justice Party). PMII Persatuan Mahasiswa Islam Indonesia (The Indonesian Islamic Student Union), The NU-affiliated student organization. PPP Partai Persatuan Pembangunan (The Unity and Development Party). Tanwir Annual meeting in the Muhammadiyah organization. Wali Protege of God, saint. iii Politics says: A is a friend Bisafoe Dakwah rectifies: A is a friend B is a companion Politics tends to break up and divide Dakwah tends to invite and unite (Ahmad Syafii Maarif, 2006, p. 335) i Muslim Civil Society and Democratization: The Case of Muhammadiyah and Nahdlatul mama in Post-Suharto Indonesia Chapter I Introduction 1 Civil Society, Islam, and Democratization 8 Literature Review 18 Methodology 20 Structure of the Thesis 22 Chapter II NU, Mnhammadiyah, and the Origin of Civility Introduction 24 The Origins ofMuhammadiyah and NU 25 The Involvement ofMuhammadiyah and NU in Politics 29 Muhammadiyah, NU and Political Disengagement 39 Muslim Civil Society: Competing Discourses 44 Conclusion 47 Chapter ill Muslim Civil Society and Political Change: Political