Awīlum ša la mašê – man who cannot be forgotten Studies in Honor of Prof. Stefan Zawadzki Presented on the Occasion of his 70th Birthday Edited by Rafał Koliński Jan Prostko-Prostyński Witold Tyborowski Alter Orient und Altes Testament Veröffentlichungen zur Kultur und Geschichte des Alten Orients und des Alten Testaments Band 463 Herausgeber Manfried Dietrich • Ingo Kottsieper • Hans Neumann Beratergremium Rainer Albertz • Joachim Bretschneider • Stefan Maul Udo Rüterswörden • Walther Sallaberger • Gebhard Selz Michael P. Streck Awīlum ša la mašê – man who cannot be forgotten Studies in Honor of Prof. Stefan Zawadzki Presented on the Occasion of his 70th Birthday Edited by Rafał Koliński Jan Prostko-Prostyński Witold Tyborowski 2018 Ugarit-Verlag Münster Thoroughly refereed Rafał Koliński, Jan Prostko-Prostyński, Witold Tyborowski (Ed.) Awīlum ša la mašê – man who cannot be forgotten Studies in Honor of Prof. Stefan Zawadzki Presented on the Occasion of his 70th Birthday Alter Orient und Altes Testament 463 © 2018 Ugarit-Verlag – Buch- und Medienhandel Münster www.ugarit-verlag.com All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system, or transmitted, in any form or by any means, electronic, mechanical, photo-copying, recording, or otherwise, without the prior permission of the publisher. Printed in Germany ISBN 978-3-86835-293-1 ISSN 0931-4296 Printed on acid-free paper Photograph by Piotr Namiota Professor Stefan Zawadzki Table of Contents Professor Stefan Zawadzki as Scholar, Teacher, and Man .................................. xi Bibliography of Stefan Zawadzki .................................................................... xvii Piotr Briks Djâmi Nabî Yunîs – Shrine of the Prophet Jonah in Nineveh .............................. 1 Waldemar Chrostowski Assyrian Diaspora of Israelites as a Challenge for Biblical Studies and Assyriology ..................................................................................... 21 Olga Drewnowska Who Is ‘My Lady’? The Goddesses in the Royal Inscriptions of the Kings of Isin and Larsa ................................................................................. 39 Michael Jursa and Elizabeth E. Payne Exercises in Epistolography: Two Late Babylonian Trial Letters ...................... 53 Hieronim Kaczmarek Stanisław Staszic’s Egyptological Knowledge ................................................... 59 Magdalena Kapełuś Participants of the Hittite King’s Funeral ........................................................... 81 Rafał Koliński The Post-Assyrian Period in the Eastern Assyria ............................................... 93 Michael Kozuh NBC 4847: The Growth of a Herd of Cattle in Four Years .............................. 115 Edward Lipiński Marital Questions at Emar ................................................................................ 129 Adam Łukaszewicz A Remark on Abyssinia, Ethiopia and India..................................................... 141 Cécile Michel Miscellaneous Tablets and Fragments Found at Kültepe in 2012 and 2013 ..... 149 x Table of Contents Łukasz Niesiołowski-Spanò Athens and Jerusalem, Again. The New Paradigm of the Jewish and Greek Intercultural Relationships? ............................................................. 161 Danuta Okoń C. Iulius Asper – Senator Probus ...................................................................... 171 Jan Prostko-Prostyński Who Wrote the Syriac Chronicle of Pseudo-Zachariah Rhetor? ...................... 179 Małgorzata Sandowicz Artapanos in Babylonia .................................................................................... 189 Nicholas Victor Sekunda An Achaemenid Gem Showing Three Rulers ................................................... 201 Marek Stępień Gudea’s Two Foundation Inscriptions in a Polish Private Collection .............. 209 Piotr Taracha On the Nature of Hittite Diplomatic Relations with Mycenaean Rulers ........... 215 Radosław Tarasewicz Three Tablets Donated to the British Museum by Lucien de Schorstein (d’Odessa) .................................................................................. 231 Witold Tyborowski An Unusual Text Concerning a Trial about Crops from a Field at the Poznań Archaeological Museum ............................................................. 243 Michaela Weszeli An Old Neo-Babylonian Seal with Cock .......................................................... 255 Ran Zadok Some Unpublished Neo- and Late-Babylonian Documents ............................. 259 Abbreviations .................................................................................................... 287 Index of Personal Names .................................................................................. 293 Index of Place Names ....................................................................................... 309 On the Nature of Hittite Diplomatic Relations with Mycenaean Rulers Piotr Taracha University of Warsaw 1. Introduction: The Ahhiyawa question The origins of the vast discussion concerning Ahhiyawa of Hittite texts go back to Emil Forrer’s lecture in Berlin and his two renowned articles on the topic published in 1924.1 It can be summarized as follows:2 today the majority opinion is that the term has primarily “a vague ethno-geographical connotation, referring to the Mycenaean world and people living there (including Mycenaean settlers in the Aegean coastal area of western Anatolia and on the adjacent islands), rather than to a specific political unit in Anatolia or elsewhere”,3 though the sources of the 13th century BC refer also to a Mycenaean kingdom and its rulers. Hence, the Ahhiyawa texts must be considered diachronically. References to Attariššiya, a Mycenaean war-lord (LÚ URUĀḫḫiyā) who controlled some territories in western Anatolia or/and on the offshore islands and whose military enterprises in Anatolia and Cyprus (Alašiya) during the reign of Tudhaliya II (late 15th – early 14th century BC) are described in the Indictment of Madduwatta (CTH 147),4 as well as those to a Mycenaean enemy (LÚKÚR LÚ URUAḫḫiya) in a Middle Hittite oracle report KBo 16.97 + KBo 40.48 obv. 38,5 and to another(?) Mycenaean ruler (LÚ URUAḫḫiya[(-)) in a letter from the times of Tudhaliya III (first half of the 14th century BC), Or. 90/1600 + Or. 90/1706 rev. 64’,6 virtually have such ethno- 1 Forrer 1924a; and idem 1924b. 2 See now Fischer 2010 (reviewed by Beckman 2011), and Beckman, Bryce and Cline 2011. 3 Taracha 2009: 20. See, already, Marazzi 1992: 375; now also Genz 2011: 303, with n. 10 (refs.). 4 Beckman, Bryce and Cline 2011: 69ff. (AhT 3). 5 Ibidem: 224f. (AhT 22). 6 Süel 2014: 937. The text mentions also Tarhuntaradu (l. 82’), who might be identical with the king of Arzawa known from EA 31, contemporary with Amenophis III (see now Hawkins 2009). 216 Piotr Taracha geographical value and cannot be connected with the 13th century BC evidence for the Great Kingdom of Ahhiyawa.7 I now regard as established that around the middle of the 13th century BC the Mycenaean Greek kingdom called Ahhiyawa by the Hittites controlled (some of) the offshore islands close to its main Asian holdings around Millawanda (Miletos), but its far-away seat of power was located somewhere else, most likely on the Greek mainland. The so-called Tawagalawa Letter (CTH 181) from a Hittite king, generally equated with Hattušili III (c. 1267–1240), to his unnamed counterpart in Ahhiyawa is quite explicit about the matter.8 This document, which survives only as extensive parts of the third and last tablet, can be dated to the mid 1250s BC or slightly later.9 Piyamaradu, an ambitious West Anatolian renegade,10 was pursued by the Hittite king after having attacked Attarimma, a city under Hittite authority, probably to be located in southern Caria (see below). He eventually escaped from Millawanda by ship to one of the Ahhiyawan offshore islands, taking with him his family, retinue, crews of his fleet, and a large number of civilian captives from the Hittite king’s vassal territory. On the island he established a new base from which he planned to raid the Hittite vassal lands. Yet, this was not the governmental center of Ahhiyawa, as Piyamaradu corresponded from that place with the Great King of Ahhiyawa in his distant capital. The Hittite texts referring to the Great Kingdom of Ahhiyawa give no hint of just which Mycenaean palatial center would be the best candidate for its capital. Jorrit Kelder recently put forward a vision of the Great Kingdom of Ahhiyawa with the capital at Mycenae, including virtually all of the Mycenaean world. He maintains that “Ahhiyawa was a conglomerate state; but then organized along more formal and hierarchical lines – as a Great Kingdom.”11 Exchange of letters between the Hittite Great Kings and their Ahhiyawan counterparts might corroborate to some extent Kelder’s proposal. Beckman, 7 Beckman, Bryce and Cline (2011) consequently translate LÚ URUAḫḫiya as “the ruler of Ahhiya,” maintaining (ibidem: 225 n. 107) that “[t]he word LÚ literally means ‘man’, but here, as in other contexts, it clearly refers to a leader or ruler of some kind”. However, Ahhiya here not necessarily relates to a specific Mycenaean kingdom. 8 Miller 2006; Hoffner 2009: 296ff. (no. 101); Beckman, Bryce and Cline 2011: 101ff. (AhT 4). 9 See now Taracha 2015: 279f. 10 For Piyamaradu and his anti-Hittite activities in western Anatolia already during the reign of Hattušili III’s brother, Muwattalli II (c. 1290–1272), see Heinhold-Krahmer