Climate Change Diplomacy EU-AsiA DiAlogUE Shaping a Common Future for Europe and Asia – Sharing Policy Innovation and Best Practices in Addressing Common Challenges Climate Change Diplomacy The Way Forward for Asia and Europe © 2014 Konrad-Adenauer Stiftung and European Union All rights reserved. No part of this book may be reprinted or reproduced or utilised in any form or by any electronic, mechanical or other means, now known or hereafter invented, including photocopying or recording, or in any information storage or retrieval system, without permission from the publisher. Editors: Dr. Wilhelm Hofmeister Patrick Rueppel Konrad-Adenauer Stiftung Ltd. Regional Programme Political Dialogue Asia 36 Bukit Pasoh Road Singapore 089850 Registration Number: 201228783N East Asian Institute 469A Bukit Timah Road Tower Block #06-01 Singapore 259770 European Policy Centre Résidence Palace 155 rue de la Loi B-1040 Brussels / Belgium European Union Centre in Singapore 11 Slim Barracks Rise, #06-01 Executive Centre, NTU@one-north campus Singapore 138664 Design, Layout and Typeset: Select Books Pte Ltd 65A, Jalan Tenteram #02-06, St Michael’s Industrial Estate Singapore 328958 Website: www.selectbooks.com.sg National Library Board, Singapore Cataloguing-in-Publication Data Climate change diplomacy : the way forward for Asia and Europe / editors, Dr. Wilhelm Hofmeister, Patrick Rueppel. – Singapore : Konrad Adenauer Stiftung : East Asian Institute : European Union Centre in Singapore ; Brussels, Belgium : European Policy Centre,¬ [2014] pages cm ISBN : 978-981-07-9962-5 (paperback) 1. Climatic change mitigation – International cooperation. 2. Climatic changes – Government policy – International cooperation. I. Hofmeister, Wilhelm, editor. II. Rueppel, Patrick, editor. QC903 363.7387456 -- dc23 OCN 875616197 Printed in Singapore Contents 7 Preface 11 Climate Change Diplomacy: Challenges and Prospects for Reaching a global Agreement Gang Chen 23 Japan’s Failing Climate Change Diplomacy Jusen Asuka 37 Climate Change Politics and Policies: germany and the European Union in the Climate Negotiations Martin Frick and Sabrina Schulz 53 Domestic sources of Multilateral Diplomacy —The Case of Poland’s Climate Policy Bartek Nowak 61 EU Climate Diplomacy: Cautious optimism Ahead of 2015 Piotr Maciej Kaczyński 71 EU Climate Diplomacy—internal and External Dimensions John Vogler 89 Participation by scientists in the global Climate Change Agenda Xufeng Zhu 101 EU–AsEAN Relations in the Post-2015 Climate Regime: Exploring Pathways for Top-down and Bottom-up Climate governance Coraline Goron 131 Bilateral Climate Change initiatives between European and Asian Countries and their Contribution to Climate Mitigation Negotiations Neil Hirst 153 Climate security and the United Nations: Views from the East and the West J. Jackson Ewing Preface Climate change and its consequences are one of the biggest challenges for international poli- tics and cooperation. There is no doubt about the devastating effects of climate change for many countries. International “Climate Summits” have repeatedly pointed out the need for joint actions by the international community. However, these summits often could not agree on common targets and policies that include all key stakeholders. In the meantime, inter- national analyses and predictions on the consequences of climate change show that Europe, the USA and the People’s Republic of China are among the biggest emitters of CO2, while many Asian countries suffer from the negative impacts of climate change. At the same time, economic development in most Asian countries is accompanied by increasing emissions of greenhouse gases – a typical dilemma for many emerging markets and developing countries that requires a clear de-coupling strategy. Although the problematic consequences of climate change are undeniable, international negotiations are characterized by strategies which are still primarily driven by national inter- ests. How can this attitude be changed? How can agreements and commitments be achieved in international negotiations? While much research has been done on the causes and impacts of climate change, there is a lack of discussion on the way that international climate change diplomacy has been carried out. This gap shall be addressed in our publication. Despite international efforts to reach common policies and a binding agreement, the achievements are few. This is due to a number of factors. Some developing countries deny responsibility for climate change, arguing that it is mainly the industrialized countries that have caused the high levels of greenhouse gas concentrations in the atmosphere. Other coun- tries fear that a climate agreement might hinder their developments and economic growths. In addition, it has been claimed that less-developed countries lack the financial capacities to adapt to the effects of climate change. Several major developed countries, on the other hand, deny sole responsibility for climate change, on the grounds that emerging and developing markets produce a relatively high amount of carbon dioxide. Since the industries in these countries are expected to grow, developed countries argue that they should utilise green tech- nology, environmentally sustainable production methods and high environmental standards from an early stage. However, these arguments ignore the fact that environmental issues do not stop at national borders, but are a transnational problem. This pessimistic outlook is underpinned by recent developments. The announcements by Japan, first, to withdraw from the Kyoto Protocol, and then to change its CO2 emission target from reduction to a lower increment is a counter-productive move by a former key partner. The announcements by Canada and Russia to not extend the Kyoto Protocol as well as Australia’s more critical approach also fall in this category. The most recent Conference of 7 Climate Change Diplomacy Parties (CoP) in Warsaw, Poland, saw an escalation of the situation with the boycott by the most important Non-Governmental Organizations, showing their disrespect for the uncoop- erative behaviour of nation-states. These negative perceptions, however, ignore the fact that certain achievements have been made in the recent CoPs and that a number of countries have started domestic and bilat- eral initiatives in recent years. The Green Climate Fund and the commitment by developed countries to provide USD100 billion annually from 2020 onwards will help to ameliorate the financial burden for developing countries. The Durban Platform provides another specific mechanism to discuss the new binding agreement in 2015. Domestic measures can impact the domestic situation and ultimately shape a country’s position in the negotiations if it sees the positive effects of climate protection. Such actions include the diversification of energy resources, establishment of local carbon markets, limits for big emitters and adaptation mea- sures. Bilateral initiatives can take place between governments or countries and focus on a variety of topics. In addition, bilateral cooperation does not have to be horizontal, but can also be implemented between a country and a local government unit in another country. The local government unit will strongly benefit from such cooperation and can become an advocate for de-coupling. The EU can also support domestic developments (e.g., NAMAs) through bilateral cooperation. Thus, looking only at the multilateral negotiations, where a huge number of states have to agree, does not do justice to the efforts that have been put in place. Both levels have to complement each other and domestic actions can help to establish confidence and trust. The recent negotiations have shown that trust is lacking among the parties, but is absolutely essential for making progress. Once one state or a group of states commits itself to new targets, this can influence the behaviour of other parties as well. In this context, there are great opportunities for Europe and Asia to emphasize their joint commitment and bring the discussion forward. Such cooperation should be embedded in a two-track diplomacy of multi- and bilateral initiatives. As it is necessary to build up new con- fidence, the initial cooperation should be on less tense aspects. The cooperation should also focus on sectorial approaches to create strategic climate partnerships and trust. For instance, a reinforcement of the EU-ASEAN cooperation on capacity-building, public awareness and eco-friendly technologies can build up confidence. If these two groups of states can make a first step, others will follow them easily. As the negotiations showed, all countries agree that implementation is needed. If, for instance, the European Union will be the first to commit itself to more ambitious targets, other countries are likely to drop their objections. Additional topics for future cooperation include energy efficiency, energy mix and de-coupling measures. Finally, cooperation on climate change diplomacy should not ignore the crucial role cities and urban areas play in this context. They cause pollution and are, at the same time, extremely vulnerable to the consequences of climate change. In order to contribute to the understanding of the current developments and initiatives on climate change diplomacy, this publication includes papers with perspectives from Europe and Asia. What is the strategic interest of key countries? How can they cooperate? What roles do alternative forms of cooperation play in the discussions? These and other