"Of Arms and Men": Siege and Battle Tactics in the Catalan Grand Chronicles (1208-1387) Author(s): Paul Douglas Humphries Source: Military Affairs, Vol. 49, No. 4 (Oct., 1985), pp. 173-178 Published by: Society for Military History Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/1987537 Accessed: 11/10/2010 02:00 Your use of the JSTOR archive indicates your acceptance of JSTOR's Terms and Conditions of Use, available at http://www.jstor.org/page/info/about/policies/terms.jsp. JSTOR's Terms and Conditions of Use provides, in part, that unless you have obtained prior permission, you may not download an entire issue of a journal or multiple copies of articles, and you may use content in the JSTOR archive only for your personal, non-commercial use. Please contact the publisher regarding any further use of this work. Publisher contact information may be obtained at http://www.jstor.org/action/showPublisher?publisherCode=smh. 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Society for Military History is collaborating with JSTOR to digitize, preserve and extend access to Military Affairs. http://www.jstor.org "Of Arms and Men": Siege andB Tactics in the Catalan Grand Chronicles(1208-1387) by Paul Douglas Humphries MENTION of warfare in 13th- and 14th-centuryEurope not to mention first hand, view of Aragonese warfare.' immediatelyconjures visions of crusaders, Mongols on Of these works, the autobiographies of James I and Ramon horseback, and longbowmenin Lincoln green; rarely are areas Muntaner are of most use in military matters. James, named outside the conventionalexaminations of northernand eastern "the Conqueror," personally commanded armies in the cam- Europe considered. It was during this time, however, on the paigns which added Majorca, Valencia, and Murcia to his significantsouthern frontier of Latin Christendom,that a strong crown and seems almost to delight in explaining many of the and dynamic power was rising to predominancein the Iberian intricacies of his military operations. Muntaner served as a peninsulaand to a commandingposition in the Western Medi- knight and quartermaster in the famous Catalan Grand Com- terranean,through the abilities, accomplishments,and aggres- pany and therefore brings a special insight not only to actions in sive use of its arms. This state was the vigorous and expanding which he himself fought, but also to a wide range of combat realms of Aragon- a congeries of principalitiesand counties, operations in his chronicle that spans the years 1208 to 1327, the notablyAragon and Catalonia,along the Mediterraneancoast of period of six Aragonese kings. Regrettably, the chronicle of southern France and Spain, with overseas conquests. Bernard Desclot is both less militarily focused than those of Any questions pertinentto the whole of Europeanland war- James and Muntaner and covers only the relatively short reign fare at the time would be valid for the Aragonese as well, but of Peter III of Aragon (1276-1285). The last of the chronicles, may not necessarily yield the same answers. What was the that of Peter III of Catalonia (Peter IV of Aragon), is only a bit natureof combatas then practicedby the Aragonese?Who and more useful than Desclot's; though spanning a later time frame, what was involved? How were the practicalitiesof battle real- it actually adds little to what James and Muntaner have to say ized on the field? And if the answers to these questions are about Aragonese warfare. differentfor Aragon than for the rest of Europe, what is the The Catalan Grand Chronicles together build a single com- significance? prehensive window through which we can observe the nature of Any examinationthat seeks to answer these questions must Aragonese warfare. Armor, weapons, fortifications, soldiers, be firmlyrooted in factualsource materialof the age and area, a sieges, and battles all appear. This information provides the bill that is neatlyfilled by what are known as the Catalan Grand base for an analysis which shows how the practical extensions Chronicles. Of course, other sources and works besides the of Aragonese combat, its tactics, were often determined by the chronicles certainly exist, but the information contained in relationship between tools and organization. Such information these four memoirsis more than enough to provide an incisive, also yields illustrations of this relationship. To structure an understandable examination, the obvious differences between battle and siege prescribe that they be inspected separately. It Twocombined infantry and cavalryforces meet. Note boththe variations will still be seen, however, that the tactical realities of each type in arms and armorand the crossbow. (Photographby UCLAResearch of operation stem from the same association of tools and Lirbary.Reprinted from Las Cantigas de Santa Maria[Madrid: Edilan, 1979]. Permissionto use ceded and authorizedby PatrimonioNacional, organization. Madrid.) u- - o .,@.;... ,,,.... ..... ,......, q~c ..... I:tw.::it- n ......... ~ ........f..,: .:.: .. --------- --- - ------- ioo,~~~~~~~~A 11~~~~~~~~~1 I --cc M~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~I/ OCTOBER1985 5MU LIBRARY173 AN initial examination of the tools of battle immediately what manner formations were arranged can best be seen in a yields two general categories: what the soldier carried and larger review of military organization. what he wore or, more traditionally, his arms and armor. Both types of equipment are mentioned enough in the chronicles so ORGANIZATIONwas the key to Aragonesewarfare. James that sub-categories also emerge. The individual soldiers' armor mentions that his father, Peter II, lost the Battle of Muret and weapons varied greatly in number and type, so their equip- precisely because his army was not properly organized. The ment could be both diverse and extensive. most obvious aspect of Aragonese military organization in the Starting from the top: the Aragonese soldier could wear an chronicles is the difference between the armed knight and the iron cap or a more elaborate casque or barbuda, these latter unarmed foot soldier. The word "armed" describes what a man types of helmets affording greater protection for his face and wore rather than what he carried, and the armor previously ears as well as his head. He could also wear a simple cerveliere, detailed was virtually the exclusive accoutrement of the armed or skullcap, over which a camisol of mail could be placed to knight. When he was mounted, the knight's primary weapon protect his head, neck, and shoulders. Gorgets were used to was his lance, backed up by his sword, mace, and dagger. The shield the front of the neck, while the shoulders could be further sword predominated when the knight fought on foot. The protected by epaulets. Body armor ranged from the simple squires who often accompanied the knight were armed to an purpunt, a close-fitting quilted coat of cotton or leather, to the extent as well, and together with him they formed a capable large single-piece hauberk, a long coat of mail split front and combat team. Formations of light horse were also organized, back from the waist down and usually worn over the purpunt, although the armed knight remained dominant in Aragonese which protected the body from blows to the hauberk. Elaborate cavalry formations. ensembles of pieced armor could be worn as well, such as a Infantry could consist of armed knights fighting dismounted, cuirass for the torso, cuisses for the upper legs, and greaves for but was more often organized in larger, looser formations of the lower legs with all of this possibly covered by a smock or levies, other retainers, or even sailors armed with spears and robe. The soldier could also wear metal gauntlets on his hands perhaps other weapons according to circumstance. The main- and spurs on his feet, this latter item suggesting sturdy footwear. stays of Aragonese foot soldiery were almogavars - rugged Although this body armor may have been of metal con- tribesmen from the Saracen hinterlands of the region and com- struction, more probably much of it was made of boiled leather, monly retained by Christian lords. Both Muntaner and Desclot since there are many instances in the chronicles of darts and provide detailed descriptions of the almogavar. He wore only a spears passing through the soldier's armor and through his shirt, breeches, and sandals and carried only a spear, a small shield or his horse's armor in single thrusts. Horse armor is number of darts, and perhaps a blade. The third type of soldier in quite evident, but none of the chronicles provide very elaborate Aragonese armies was the crossbowman, who could be lightly descriptions of it. Horses were also equipped with reins of armed at times and was usually organized in separate for- either leather or metal, and saddles in which the mounted mations owing to his weapon's special capabilities.5 soldier was often chained. A shield often complemented the Soldiers were summoned for campaign in different ways. In soldier's armor. With the exception of the hand-held bucklers of 1282, Peter III commanded every man in Sicily between the ages light troops, shields were imposing enough in size, weight, and of 15 and 60 to report to Palermo with bread and arms for construction to be worn instead of merely carried. There was campaign. Most commonly, however, calls to arms were issued also the paves, a much larger type of shield which is best by the king to certain high barons (ries homens) who were discussed with siege equipment.2 requested to provide various numbers of knights, foot soldiers, Complementing the soldier's armor were his weapons, which and crossbowmen at specific mobilization centers.