WORDS THAT KILL: RHETORIC AND REALITY IN THE DISCOURSE OF THE FRONT NATIONAL Palavras que matam: retórica e realidade da frente nacional francesa Palabras que matan: la retórica y la realidad del frente nacional francés Abstract Since Marine Le Pen’s accession to the leadership of France’s National Front, in 2011, she has concertedly sought to “normalize” the party’s far-right political platform and rhetoric. In this respect, she has been wildly successful: party member- ship has doubled from 40,000 to 80,000, and its electoral base RICHARD WOLIN has greatly expanded. Thus since the May 2014 European par- History and Political liamentary elections, the National Front has become France’s Science CUNY Graduate leading vote getter. In the first round of the December 2015 re- Center, New York gional elections, it attained an unprecedented 28% of the vote. [email protected] Given Europe’s ongoing migration crisis as well as the spate of recent terrorist attacks that has shaken confidence in the capaci- ty of France’s mainstream parties to keep the nation safe, many analysts have forecast a National Front victory in the upcoming 2017 presidential elections. The successful “normalization” of the National Front under Marine Le Pen’s leadership raises the impor- tant question: are the differences with the old National Front, as led by Marine’s father Jean-Marie Le Pen, disparities of substance or are they largely rhetorical? Attention to the subtleties and nu- ances of political language yield a results that are both revealing and highly disturbing. Resumo Desde a ascensão de Marine Le Pen à liderança da Frente Nacional Francesa, em 2011, ela concertadamente procurou “nor- malizar” a plataforma política e a retórica do partido de extrema direita. A esse respeito, foi muito bem-sucedida: a filiação ao par- tido dobrou de 40 mil para 80 mil, e sua base eleitoral expandiu- -se enormemente. Assim, desde as eleições parlamentares euro- peias de maio de 2014, a Frente Nacional tornou-se a liderança de votos na França. No primeiro turno das eleições regionais de dezembro de 2015, atingiu 28% dos votos sem precedentes. Dada a crise europeia em curso da migração tanto quanto a onda de recentes ataques terroristas que abalaram a confiança na capa- cidade dos principais partidos políticos da França em manter a segurança da nação, muitos analistas previram uma vitória da Frente Nacional nas próximas eleições presidenciais de 2017. A “normalização” bem-sucedida da Frente Nacional sob a lideran- ça de Marine Le Pen levanta a importante questão: as diferenças com a velha Frente Nacional, como conduzida pelo pai de Marine, Jean-Marie Le Pen, são disparidades da substância ou, em grande parte, são retóricas? Atenção às sutilezas e nuanças da linguagem política produz resultados que são tanto reveladores quanto alta- mente perturbadores. Resumen Desde que Marine Le Pen assumió la dirección del Front Nacional de Francia en 2011, ella trató de “normalizar” la platafor- ma política y la retórica del partido de extrema derecha. En este sentido, fue muy exitosa: el número de miembros del partido se duplicó de 40.000 a 80.000, y su base electoral se ha expandi- do enormemente. Por lo que, desde las elecciones al Parlamen- to Europeo en mayo de 2014, el Frente Nacional se assumió el liderazgo de la votación en Francia. En la primera vuelta de las elecciones regionales de diciembre de 2015, alcanzó el 28% de los votos sin precedentes. Dada la crisis europea de la migración en curso tanto como la ola de ataques terroristas recientes que sa- cudieron la confianza en la capacidad de los principales partidos políticos de Francia en el mantenimiento de la seguridad de la na- ción, muchos analistas predijeron una victoria del Front Nacional en las próximas elecciones presidenciales en 2017. Estes resulta- dos que ponen el Front Nacional en la delantera bajo el liderazgo de Marine Le Pen plantea la pregunta importante: las diferencias con el antiguo Front Nacional, como se lleva a cabo por el padre de Marina, Jean-Marie Le Pen son diferencias de fondo o son en gran parte de la retórica? Atención a las sutilezas y matices del lenguaje político produce resultados que son a la vez revelador como muy preocupante. On May 21, 2013, the hexagon was took his own life. By the same token, May 26, traumatized by a horrific, headline-grabbing 1976 was the day that the twentieth century’s episode. A nattily attired man in his late 70s most prominent philosophical advocate of committed suicide by shooting himself with National Socialism, Martin Heidegger, brea- a pistol in front of 1500 worshipers attending thed his last breath. Tuesday morning services at the Notre Dame In order to explain his actions, Venner cathedral in central Paris. The man’s name invoked the names of three prominent fellow was Dominique Venner. suicides he viewed as fraternal spirits: two Venner’s suicide note bore the rather French literati who had been collaborateurs curious title, “The May 26 Protest and Hei- and enthusiasts of fascism in its French itera- degger”. Thereby, he alluded to an uncanny tion, Henry de Montherlant (1895-1972) and confluence of events: the next “Manif pour Pierre Drieu la Rochelle (1893-1945); and, fi- Tous” demonstration – the ongoing right- nally, the Japanese ultra-nationalist writer, -wing protest movement against gay marria- Yukio Mishima. ge which, since 2013, has upset the French As the foregoing details attest, Venner’s political status quo – had been scheduled to act was indisputably meant to be a political take place on May 26, five days after Venner gesture. 38 Impulso, Piracicaba • 27(69), 37-47, maio-ago. 2017 • ISSN Impresso: 0103-7676 • ISSN Eletrônico: 2236-9767 In his suicide note, which was read aloud ce from their slumber.”1 What is astonishing by a friend later in the day on a right-wing ra- about this statement is that, despite Le Pen’s dio station, Venner provided the following knowledge of Venner’s checkered past as an justification of his shocking deed: anti-republican, far-right political activist and conspirator, she had no compunction about I revolt . against individual desi- characterizing his suicide – a blasphemous act res that have destroyed the pillars that was committed in France’s most venera- of [French] identity [ancrages iden- ted religious sanctuary – as an inherently prai- titaires], notably, the family, the seworthy deed. intimate foundation of our age-old Dominque Venner, who was born in 1935, [multimillénaire] civilization. Al- is someone who might be described as an inhe- though I defend the identities of all rently dubious figure. For nearly six decades, peoples in their native lands, I take he was an animating and rather shady presen- umbrage at the crime committed by ce among neo-Nazi and extreme-right groups those who seek to replace our [Eu- that flourished on the margins of French so- ropean] populations. ciety. During the 1950s, Venner was one of the founders of Jeune Nation: an anti-Republican Here, it is worth noting that Venner’s organization that was comprised of neofas- concluding allusion to “population replace- cists, anti-Semites, and former Vichyites. ment” is a standard New Right/Nouvelle Droi- During the 1950s and early 1960s, Jeune te ideological coinage, insinuating that the Nation militants were passionately engaged goal of immigration policy is to supplant eth- in the struggle for French Algeria. Prior to nic Europeans with alien races that hail from founding Jeune Nation, Venner had served as the ghettoes of the developing world. Today, a paratrooper in the sanguinary Algerian war. one of the linchpins the febrile far-right world- Following the Battle of Algiers (1957), Jeune view is the idea that immigration is part of a Nation acted as the political wing of the OAS “liberal,” “cosmopolitan” plot whose goal is (Organisation de l’armée secrète), whose acts to decimate indigenous Europeans. of terrorism – including a failed assassination On first view, the allusion to Heidegger in attempt against Charles de Gaulle – brought the title of Venner’s note might seem, gratui- metropolitan France to the brink of civil war. tous or obscure. However, nine years earlier, In May 1958, a few days after de Gaulle’s Venner had had been one of the co-founders coup, Jeune Nation was banned for sedition. of the “Bloc Identitaire,” a European-wide, Three years later, as the OAS attacks reached chauvinistic, anti-immigrant movement. And fever pitch following a failed summons to in- among the so-called “identitarians,” Heide- surrection, Venner and five other Jeune Na- gger, on the basis of his right-wing, völkisch tion activists were arrested and sentenced to views, is frequently celebrated as a renowned prison for sedition. ideological precursor. Upon emerging from prison in 1963, A few hours after Venner’s carefully Venner well nigh single-handedly reconcei- choreographed finale at the Notre Dame Ca- ved the paradigm of postwar European neo- thedral, National Front leader Marine Le Pen fascism, redirecting its focus away from past – who, according to most opinion polls is the struggles that had already been lost – e.g., the frontrunner in the presidential election sche- Third Reich, the Vichy regime, and French Al- duled for spring 2017 – sent out the following heartfelt condolence tweet: “We wish to con- 1 Cited in Le Monde, May 22, 2013: “Tout notre respect à vey our wholehearted respect for Dominique Dominique Venner dont le dernier geste, éminemment Venner, whose final gesture, an eminently po- politique, aura été de tenter de réveiller le peuple de litical act, sought to bestir the people of Fran- France. MLP.” Impulso, Piracicaba • 27(69), 37-47, maio-ago.