2129 231O. *t''a44, dem. prn. of non-active (inanimate) objects (without distance opposition [proximal ↔ intermediate ↔ distal]) > HS: I. HS *tV-/*-Vt, marker of the so-called "feminine gender", actually feminine-and-inanimate gender (a merger with N *{{{?}atV 'female, woman' [q.v.], as well as probably with N *t''i that constructs nomina act. [q.v.]), used in different grammatical functions: [a] verbal px. *tV- of 3 pers. "feminine" (= feminine-and-inanimate\collective) > S, B *tV- id., EC *t(V)-, Bj, Aw t(V)- of 3f in pcvs., *t- as marker of 3f in many Ch lgs., as well as the 3f marker *-t- within the person-number-gender sxs.; [b] HS nominal ending *-Vt-, marker of both the female sex in nouns (like S *-at- in *≤bin-at- 'daughter' > Hb tB2 bat3, Ar bint-, etc., B *-t in *t-funas-t 'cow', ONum ult 'daughter') and of the fem.-and-inanimate gender (that is used to form singulative, collective, and abstract nouns) in S, Eg, B, C, and Ch, [c] HS pronoun *tV- (prn. of the fem.[-and- inanimate] gender) > OAr ta2 and tï 'this\that' f. (Br. G I 317-8 [§ 1O7g]), Sb t 'that (f.) which' = 'lo que' (t-b-s7rn 'lo que está en el valle' (here the formal f. of t is likely to have an abstract meaning of Sp lo) - w Bst. 42, Bst. DSRP); LbB: Gnc T {Mi.} -to 'this' (mensey-to 'this king'), pB *t-a2 f. sg. / *t-ï f. pl. 'that\those which', 'that\those of' (ddn.) (the elements *-a2/*ï go back to N *ha, deictic pronominal pc. ['ille', distal deixis], and to N *yÉ [= y{{{i}?] 'these, they' [deictic marker of animate pl.]) > ta f. sg. / ti f. pl. 'that\those which, that\those of' in practically all B lgs. (with a phonetic variant t3a/t3i in Kb and several other NrB lgs.) (Pr. M III, AiM 176, 211, 217, Fc. 1448-59), Bj t-, marker of the fem. gender in the df. art.: Bj A {AD} nom. sg. tu2-≠tu-, accus. sg. to2-≠tu2, nom. pl. ta2-≠ta, accus. pl. te2-≠ti-, Bj Hd {Rop.} nom. sg. tu2- ≠ti-, accus. sg. to2-≠ti-, nom. pl. ta2-≠ti-, accus. pl. te2-≠ti, Bj (dialect recorded by Reinisch) nom. sg. tu2-, accus. sg. to2-, nom. pl. ta2-, accus. pl. te2-; B *tV-, prefix of fem. nouns, both sg. and pl. (going back to a n article similar to that of Bj), e.g. Sll, Nf ta-lÌ´mt 'she-camel' (pl. ti- l´Ìmin, ti-l´Ìmatin), Kb t3a-funast3, Tmz ta-funast 'cow', Zwr t-funast, Zmr t3-funast3 id. (pl. t3ifunasin), t3-mÌart3 'old woman', Mz t-m´tœtœut 'woman', etc. (w AiM 2O8-9); Sml -ta, -tu, -tï, fem. forms of df. articles; C marker of fem. *t- in dem., interr. and poss. pronouns: Bj {R} t-u2n 'this' f. (accus. t-o2n), t-a2n 'these' f. (accus. t-e2n), Sa {R} t-a2, t-ay 'this' f., t-o, t-oy 'that' f., Sml -t-ani! (accus. -t-a!n) 'this' f. (sx. of a noun), -t-a2si (accus. -t-a2) 'that' f. (general deixis), etc., Or H {Ow.} t- 2130 ana rect. 'this' f. (↔ m. x-ana), t-uni nom. 'this' f. (↔ m. x-uni), t-a2!ni! 'this' (anaphoric) f. (↔ m. x-a2!ni!), t-a!mi! 'which?' f. (↔ m. x-a!mi!), t-iyya 'my' f. (↔ m. x-iyya), t-e 'thy' f. (↔ m. x-e), etc., Or B tuni~(-ni") 'this' f., rect. t-a!na", gen. ta!na!, etc., Sd t-e, t-enne, t-e2ne, t-in 'this' f., etc. (w AD KJ 28, 46-8, 1O6, 116-7 and s.v. N *K''{{{u44}, dem. prn.), as well as a marker of the fem. gender within postnominal agglutinated markers of personal possesion in Bj (-t-), Sml (-t-: i~≤na!n-t-a~y-d-u 'my daughter', where -t- is the marker of fem. of the suffixed poss. prn. -taydu, -ay- is the morpheme of 1s, and -d- is the marker of fem. of the postpositional article, cp. ≤i!na~n-k-a~y-g-u 'my son', where -k- and -g- are masc. gender markers), Or ∆ -t-, etc. ¶ AD KJ 1O7-8, Ow. 88 The same marker *-t- of the f.-and-inanimate gender is found in the S compound ending *-a2- t- which functions as a marker of feminine "plural" (Hb -o2t3, Ar -a2t-, Gz -a2t, Ak -a2t-). There is syntactic and morphological ev. that proves that in pS the forms with *-a2t- were not real plurals, but collective nouns (in sg.): [a] the *-a2t-forms have case endings of sg. (nom. *-u, accus.-gen. *-a) and a marker of status determinatus of sg. (*-m), [b] if they function as a subject, their predicate (in Arabic) is sg. f. Here the S morpheme *-t- is actually a nominalizer (substantivizer) of an originally analytical construction of collectivity (with collectivity pc. *-a2 < N ?σ *?a{{{h}a [collective pc. of inanimate, '≈ de ça']). This is suggested by the fact that S *-a2-t- is found only in the purely substantive cases (nom., accus., gen.), while in the pred. case (> f. pl. of the WS new perfect) we find S *-a2 without *-t-. The same *-t- is found as a substantivizer of Ak adjectives in pl. (-u2t- in sunstantivized adjectives in pl. ↔ -u2 as pl. of not sunstantivized adjectives) In Ch this HS prn. *tV contaminated with the reflex of N *{{{?}atV 'female, woman', giving rise to a personal prn. of 3f (actually, feminine-and-inanimate) that Blz. reconstructs as *ta. In WCh it functions (1) as a preverbal subject marker of 3f.: Hs ta2 (with past), ta (with some other verbal forms), in the BT lgs. (with neutral form, pf.: Bl, Gera ti~, Krf, Glm, Grm ta~, Tng ta, etc.), in the Ron lgs. (with the main aspect of the verb: Fy, Bks, Klr ti!); (2) as an aut. prn. of 3f (prefix + *ta, acc. to Kr.'s rec.): Hs i-ta, Bl i-ta~, Ngm te^, Krkr dÈ-t‰w, Tng N-ta, Fy, Bks yi!-t, Ngz, Bd a-tu~, Zul ti 'she'; (3) as an object prn. of 3f (*tV, acc. to Kr.): Hs, Bl ta, Krkr, Tng ta~, Ngz atu~, Bd tu~; (4) as a postnominal poss. prn. of 3f (*ta, acc. to Kr.): Hs ta, Bl to, Krf ta&a, Krkr (tÈ)-t‰~w, Tng to~, Pr te~, Ron: Fy -it, Bks -et. In CCh 2131 this pronouns appears: (1) as a ppa. of 3f: Gude -ta~, Bcm -ro~ (-r- < *-t- ), Mln -(g‰)-to~, FlM -tU~, Mbara -ta! 'her'; (2) as an object prn. of 3f.: Bcm (na)-ro~, Gudu ba-r (-r- < *-t-), FlM (ga`)-ta!, Msg G/P {MB} -ti 'her', Mbara -ta!; (3) in some CCh lgs. it is one of the elements within isolable pers. pronouns of 3f (as in Mbara ti!ti! 'she'). In ECh it functions as a subject prn. of 3f (Mkl ti!-/t-, Bdy -ti!, -g-i!t), as a pronominal object sx. of verbs (Mkl -t, -ti~ 'her', Bdy -ta! 'her', -ti~ 'to her', Tmk -d 'her', Mgm - ti!, -ti~ 'to her'), as a ppa. of nouns (Mkl -tu~, Bdy -t, -ti~ 'her'), and as a n emphatic aut. prn. ("pronom d’insistance"): Tmk ta2fln 'she' (↔ d'a2fln 'he'), as a dem. prn. of the f. gender (*t-pronouns of f. ↔ *k-pronouns of m. [ffd. details see N *K''{{{u44}, dem. prn.]). It also functions as a demonstrative element (without connection with the fem. gender, sc. not having merged with N *{{{?}atV '⇑': Ke m. sg. to!N 'this', f. sg. ta!N, pl. te!N 'these' [Sch. ED 158-9]) and as a CCh subject prn. of 3s m.: Msg G {MB} t‰, Msg P {MB} te, Mbara, Mlw ti ¶ Cf. Kr. RChP, MB SMSM, J R, Sch. BTL, Sch. DN, Frz. GP, Blz. PPCh1 ∀, Blz. PPCh2 ∀, Trn. MVM 7 6 , TrnSL 163-6, J LM, JA LM, Al. DB 196-2O6, Cp. 31 | II. A variant *tV' without de-emphatization survives in Ch as *dV' ,a dem. prn. (‘ a marker of definiteness) > {Sch.}: Hs ka!ra~sd'i^n 'the carrot(s)' (↔ ka!ra~s 'carrot, -s'), Su lu! d'i^-s‰~ 'this house' (↔ lu! 'house'), G’nd naf-d'a 'the man', naf-d'i 'this man' (↔ naf- 'man'), Msg d'i!fd'a! 'the man' (↔ d'i!f 'man'), Mkl ?a~?u! d'o!N 'the water' (↔ ?a!?u~ pl. 'water'), as well as a pers. prn. of 3m (Tmk d'a2fln 'he') ¶ Sch. ED 158-6O || IE [1] NaIE *to- (nom.- accus. *to-d), dem. prn. of the neuter (inanimate) gender (↔ *so dem. prn. of the animate gender) > OI ta-d 'it, that' ntr. ↔ sa (≠ sa-s) 'he, that' m., Av G, YAv ta-t∞ 'this, it' ntr. ↔ YAv ha2 m. »» Gk to1, df. art. ntr. ↔ [o, df. art. m. »» pGmc {SGGJ} *Tat 'das' (ddn. prn.), ntr.(↔ *so m.) > Gt †ata ntr. ↔ sa m., ORu †at ntr. ↔ sa m., ON †at ntr. ↔ sa1 m., AS ÎAt ntr. ↔ se2Æ m. In the obl. cases it was generalized for all genders, e.g. NaIE accus. m. *to-m > OI tam, Av t´m, Gk to1n, Gmc *Tan(on) (> Gt †ana, ON †ann, AS Îone), NaIE accus. f. *ta2-m (cf. nom. f. *sa2) > OI, Av ta2m, Gk th1n. The form of the f. (a NaIE innovarion) is *sa2 (based on *so-), but in many lgs. it is *ta2 (e.g.