
Liberalism and Transformation e Global Politics of Violence and Intervention • Dillon Stone Tatum Copyright © by Dillon Stone Tatum Some rights reserved CC BY-NC-ND is work is licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial- NoDerivatives . International License. Note to users: A Creative Commons license is only valid when it is applied by the person or entity that holds rights to the licensed work. Works may contain components (e.g., photographs, illustrations, or quotations) to which the rightsholder in the work cannot apply the license. It is ultimately your responsibility to independently evaluate the copyright status of any work or component part of a work you use, in light of your intended use. 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To my family: Milam, Kelly, and eron. • Acknowledgements xi Introduction: Liberalism and Violence e How of Emancipatory Liberalism Transformation and Civilization: Liberalism, Empire, Intervention Transformation and Self-Determination: Internationalists at War Transformation and Totalitarianism: Intervention and Cold War Liberalism Transformation and Terror: State Failure, Development, and Human Rights Conclusion: Toward a Minimalist Liberalism Notes Bibliography Digital materials related to this title can be found on the Fulcrum platform via the following citable URL: https://doi.org/. /mpub. is book beneted from enormous assistance by several institutions and indi- viduals. I would like to acknowledge the help, feedback, and inspiration I have received over the years from various places, though I know I am likely forgetting many. Any faults in this book are my own. is book started as a Ph.D. dissertation, though the book itself bears only a cursory resemblance to the nal dra of that project. In terms of nancial and in- stitutional support for that work, I would like to thank the very generous funding and resources oered by both the Columbian College of Arts and Sciences and the Elliott School of International Aairs at the George Washington University. is included several semesters of teaching-free research support in the form of graduate assistantships, the Rickey Fellowship, and tuition assistantships. Henry Farrell, Marty Finnemore, and Charlie Glaser were among the rst to give formative feedback on the project. e early process itself was unusually dicult, and I am grateful for the assistance provided by several people who took the time to read the entire dra and give solid comments. ese include Robert Adcock, Ingrid Creppell, Amy Hsieh, Michelle Jurkovich, Diogo Lemos, Dan Nechita, Alex Reisenbichler, and Ken Vincent. Pieces of this project have been presented at a variety of venues, including the International Studies Association conferences ( – ), as well as the International Studies Association-Northeast Conference ( ) in Providence. Among those in attendance, I am particularly thankful for the feedback oered by Alena Drieschova, Jamie Frueh, Cameron Hill, Tony Lang, Rodger Payne, and Andrew Ross. For their assistance at various points throughout the writing process, including commenting on dras and bouncing around various ideas, I would like to thank Kerry Crawford, Ryan Krog, Henry Nau, Fabiana Perera, and Allison Quatrini. For their generous time, I would also like to thank Melani McAlister and Ingrid Creppell. A version of the concluding chapter was presented at a workshop on John Dewey that was held in October at University College Dublin. I would like to thank the participants and organizers for a brilliant discussion. xi xii Acknowledgements Part of chapter was previously published as “A Pessimistic Liberalism: Jacob Talmon’s Suspicion and the Birth of Contemporary Political ought” in the British Journal of Politics and International Relations. Many thanks to the jour- nal and SAGE Publishing for making that piece available for reprint. A few colleagues are deserving of special mention. Alyx Mark, Brett Richards, and Scott Weiner volunteered more time than was reasonable to ask for. Alyx was a friendly ear for airing frustrations, Brett introduced me to literatures I likely would not have encountered, and Scott volunteered to read more dras of various chapters than anyone else close to this project. I would also like to extend thanks to my home institution, Francis Marion University, and the faculty in the Department of Political Science and Geogra- phy. Signicant writing, rewriting, and research was made possible by a series of summer research grants, generous teaching schedules, engaged colleagues, and the most important things a writer needs: a computer and a printer. e uni- versity also contributed funding through professional development grants for conference travel to present early versions of the chapters and related research. e University of Michigan Press, and particularly the ne work of Elizabeth Demers, Haley Winkle, the production sta at Longleaf and Michigan, and three anonymous reviewers made this project come to life—many thanks for their eorts. is book was made freely available in digital formats thanks to a grant from the Andrew W. Mellon Foundation. My greatest intellectual debts are to some excellent professors at the George Washington University. Michael Barnett has been an amazing mentor, and has been incredibly generous with his time. I would not have been able to write this book without his support and mentorship. Alex Downes deserves special thanks for his kind encouragement throughout the project, and particularly for his as- sistance in pointing me in the right direction for data sources. Eric Grynaviski read numerous dras of many of the chapters, and provided some of the sharpest critiques and suggestions that I have received. I can say, without hesitation, that I had the opportunity to study under three of the most innovative minds in the eld, and for that I am forever grateful. It would be a tremendous oversight not to thank the brilliant, engaged, and critical students I have had at Francis Marion University. Students in my semi- nars “Political Violence and Terrorism” and “Politics of War and Security” de- serve special mention. Teaching those courses helped clarify issues related to concepts and theory utilized in this work. Sometimes, caught up in the minutia of our own research, we oen forget the debts we owe our students—our greatest (and certainly most frequent and curious) interlocutors. Acknowledgements xiii I would, lastly, like to thank my family. Kelly Gamble—an amazing scholar and writer in her own right—deserves special recognition for all of her love and support over the years. Epictetus once said: “Be careful to leave your sons well instructed rather than rich, for the hopes of the instructed are better than the wealth of the ignorant.” She has always instilled the ethics of learning into me, and I am forever indebted. My brother and best friend, eron Tatum, has never been anything but supportive, and has always been one of my greatest allies through thick and thin. Finally, my husband, Milam Chandler, has been by my side through some of this project’s highest highs and lowest lows. is nished project is as much his as it is mine. is project is dedicated to these three; ev- erything I do, I do for you. Introduction Liberalism and Violence Liberalism has changed all political conceptions in a peculiar and systematic fashion. Like any other signicant human movement liberalism too, as a historical force, has failed to elude the political. —Carl Schmitt, e Concept of the Political , - had made a name for himself in the First French Republic as a journalist, a particularly outspoken liberal B intellectual, and an Anglophobe. Early in the year, he called for an out- right French imperial project on the continent, with the purpose of emancipat- ing those republican brethren of Europe enslaved by despotic rule. For Brissot, “war was necessary against the enemies of humanity, who viewed the nation of many millions to be equivalent only to the person of a single king.” is would not serve as idle propaganda for the republic. Brissot became an inuential polit- ical actor and legislator in the new Assembly. In November of , he was a prominent voice in convincing the National Convention that France should establish a republican empire across Europe. e Convention decreed as much on November of that year.
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