The Mughal Book of War: A Persian Translation of the variorum Sanskrit Mahabharata Audrey Truschke n 1582 the Mughal emperor Akbar underwrote a Persian translation of the Sanskrit Mahabharata, thus transforming the great Indian epic into a Mughal courtly text. The court poured many resources into producing the translation, and the resulting text, called the Razmnamah (Book of War), remained a seminal literary work in Mughal circles for decades. While scholars have long been aware of the Razmnamah and its centrality to Mughal literary culture, few have seriously treated the textual content of this translation. Indologists have spilled much ink in repeatedly listing the dozen or so Sanskrit- Persian translations pro- duced in Akbar’s court, including the Razmnamah.1 Some have tried to account for Akbar’s translation project as a whole and framed his endeavor as an enlightened religious policy or an act of political legitimation.2 The Razmnamah in particular has drawn attention from schol- ars who have studied the illustrations of the text and Abu al- Fazl ibn Mubarak’s preface to the work.3 Yet all this scholarship lacks what must be the central pillar for understanding the Razmnamah or any translation: an analysis of the text itself. In this article, I begin to correct I am grateful to Sheldon Pollock, Hamsa Stainton, and partici- Institute 6 (1925): 83 – 107; Fathullah Mujtaba’i, “Muntakhab- i pants in the 2008 Persian Literature in Multilingual India Con- Jug- Basasht, or Selections from the Yoga- Vasistha attributed to of ference at the University of Cambridge for their feedback on Mīr Abu’l-Qāsim Findiriskī” (PhD diss., Harvard University, 1976); earlier drafts of this work. I also gratefully acknowledge the fol- S. A. Reza Jalali Naini, “Persian Translations of Sanskrit Works,” Studies lowing institutions for allowing me access to their manuscript in “Special Issue on the Occasion of 50 Years of the Agreement and archives: Aligarh Muslim University, Asiatic Society of Bombay, of Indo- Iranian Cultural Relation,” Journal of the Indo- Iran Africa Bibliothèque Nationale, Birla Academy of Arts and Culture, (2008): 68 – 86; M. A. Rahim, “Akbar and Translation Works,” Asia, Bodleian Library, British Library, Cama Institute of Bombay, In- Journal of the Asiatic Society of Pakistan 10, no. 1 (1965): 101 – 19; dira Gandhi National Centre for the Arts, Khuda Bakhsh Library, and N. S. Shukla, “Persian Translations of Sanskrit Works,” Indo- South East L.D. Institute of Indology, and Oriental Manuscript Library in logical Studies 3, nos. 1 – 2 (1974): 175 – 91. Comparative Middle Hyderabad. This research was supported by a Fulbright Hays the 2. On the former view, see Roderic Vassie, “Persian Interpreta- doctoral dissertation research abroad fellowship. 2011 tions of the Bhagavadgītā in the Mughal Period: With Special 2, No. 1. See, e.g., M. Athar Ali, “Translations of Sanskrit Works at Ak- Reference to the Sufi Version of ‘Abd Al- Rahmān Chishtī” (PhD x-1264388 31, bar’s Court,” Social Scientist 20 (1992): 38 – 45; A. B. M. Habibul- diss., School of Oriental and African Studies [SOAS], University Vol. Press lah, “Medieval Indo- Persian Literature relating to Hindu Science of London, 1988), 16 – 18; and Catherine B. Asher and Cynthia 10.1215/1089201University and Philosophy, 1000 – 1800 A.D.,” Indian Historical Quarterly 14 Talbot, India before Europe (Cambridge: Cambridge University doi Duke (1938): 167 – 81; S. Rashid Husain, “Some Notable Translations Press, 2006), 140, 146. On the latter point, see Carl W. Ernst, by 2011 Rendered into Persian during Akbar’s Time,” Islamic Culture 55 “Muslim Studies of Hinduism? A Reconsideration of Arabic and © (1981): 219 – 39; Muhammad Bashir Husayn, “Mughaliyah daur Persian Translations from Indian Languages,” Iranian Studies 36 meih Sanskrit aur ‘Arabi ki Farsi tarajum” (“Persian Translations (2003): 179 – 83. of Sanskrit and Arabic during the Mughal Period”), in Tarikh- i 3. On the illustration of the Razmnamah, see Milo Cleveland adabiyat- i Musalmanan- i Pakistan va Hind (History of the Liter- Beach, Mughal and Rajput Painting (Cambridge: Cambridge ature of Pakistani and Indian Muslims), vol. 4, part 2, Farsı adab University Press, 1992), 23 – 35; Asok Kumar Das, Paintings of ( 1 5 2 6 – 1 7 0 7 ) , ed. Maqbul Badakhshani (Lahore: Punjab University, the Razmnama: The Book of War (Ahmedabad: Mapin, 2005); 1971), 774 – 804; Jivanji Jamshedji Modi, “King Akbar and the Per- and John Seyller, “Model and Copy: The Illustration of Three 506 sian Translations of Sanskrit Books,” Annals of the Bhandarkar this omission by offering a first attempt at an and Persian intellectuals into a common task. in- depth study of the Razmnamah in comparison The Sanskrit side is silent about its role, but 507 with its Sanskrit sources. In so doing I aim to the Mughals emphasized their cross- cultural more precisely understand why Akbar’s court partnership in the text of their new translation. was interested in the Mahabharata and how the Nobody involved in the project knew both lan- translators created a new Mughal epic of deep guages (such bilingualism would not, it seems, relevance to the imperial court and polity. be widespread for another generation or two), I pursue my analysis of the Razmnamah and as a result two teams of translators were : in two sections, focusing first on the Sanskrit assembled.4 On the Persian side, Naqib Khan sources of the Razmnamah and then on the led the effort and was assisted by Mulla Shiri, Truschke translation practices one finds evidenced in Abd al- Qadir Bada’uni, and Sultan Thanisari.5 Book of War the Persian text. In the first section, I describe These men served Akbar’s court in a variety of Mahabharata how the translators accessed Sanskrit materi- other capacities; Naqib Khan was known as a Audrey als and identify the source texts that were used historian, Bada’uni a secretary, and Mulla Shiri Mughal Sanskrit to produce the Persian translation. This larger a poet.6 Multiple histories from Akbar’s reign The the framework provides both conceptual and liter- mention the Persian translators but tell less of ary tools to further investigate the nature of the about the participants on the Sanskrit side of Mahabharata as the Mughals knew it, and iden- this exchange. A colophon of a 1599 Razmna- tifying the original Sanskrit texts also enables mah, now housed in the British Library, serves Translation us to proceed with comparative textual analy- as the main source of information on these sis. In the second section, I examine the text of Brahmans: “Naqib Khan, son of Abd al- Latif Persian the Razmnamah in comparison with its Sanskrit al- Husayni, translated [this work] from Sanskrit A sources to highlight some of the Mughal trans- into Persian in one and a half years. Several of lators’ key strategies in reimagining the epic in the learned Brahmans, such as Deva Misra, Sat- Persian. This close reading traces several liter- avadhana, Madhusudhana Misra, Caturbhuja, ary paradigms that provide insight into the and Shaykh Bhavan . read this book and ex- crucial role the Razmnamah played in the pro- plained it in Hindi to me, a poor wretched man, duction and reproduction of a Mughal imperial who wrote it in Persian.” 7 The Mughals offer no culture. Taken as a whole, my analysis aims to information about the specific roles assigned show the central place of the Razmnamah in the to each translator, but the social framework of politico- cultural fashioning of Akbar’s court, transmitting the text orally between two groups whereby the Mughals developed a new type of has several noteworthy implications. Indo- Persian imperial aesthetic. As Naqib Khan’s colophon specifies, the Mughal and Brahman translators communi- Textual Sources cated orally via their shared tongue of Hindi. From the beginning, the Razmnamah was a Practically, this oral transmission is reflected collaborative effort that required interactions in phonetic changes in transliterated Sanskrit across linguistic boundaries, drawing Sanskrit words throughout the Razmnamah, as well as a Razmnāma Manuscripts,” Archives of Asian Art 38 Bada’uni, Muntakhab al- tavarikh, ed. Captain W. N. Shiri a Hindi poet, which may mean that he either was (1985): 37 – 66. On Abu al-Fazl’s preface, see Saiyid Lees (Calcutta: College Press, 1865), 2:319 – 21. born in India or wrote in a north Indian vernacular Athar Abbas Rizvi, Religious and Intellectual History (sha’ir- i hindi; Bada’uni, Muntakhab al- tavarikh, 2:55). 6. Naqib Khan contributed to Tarikh- i alfi. Nabi Hadi, of the Muslims in Akbar’s Reign: With Special Refer- Bada’uni is best known as the author of Muntakhab Dictionary of Indo- Persian Literature (New Delhi: Ab- ence to Abu’l Fazl (New Delhi: Munshiram Manoharlal al- tavarikh, an unofficial history of Akbar’s reign. hinav Publications, 1995), 451. He is also described by Publishers, 1975), 209 – 14; and Ernst, “Muslim Studies Saint Xavier, a visitor to Akbar’s court, as one “whose 7. British Library (BL) Persian Additional (Add.) 5642, of Hinduism?” 180 – 83. office is to read [the King] histories.” Quoted in Mu- f.481b and BL Oriental (Or.) 12076, f.138b; also trans- 4. On the lack of Sanskrit- Persian bilingualism in zaffar Alam and Sanjay Subrahmanyam, “Frank Dis- lated in Ali, “Translations of Sanskrit Works at Akbar’s Akbar’s court, see Abu al- Fazl’s comments in A’in- i putations: Catholics and Muslims in the Court of Jah- Court,” 41. I have corrected the names to reflect the Akbari, ed. Sir Sayyid Ahmad Khan (Delhi: Matba‘ angir (1608 – 1611),” Indian Economic and Social History original Sanskrit forms. This colophon is available in Isma‘ili, 1855 – 56; Aligarh, India: Sir Sayyid Academy, Review 46 (2009): 482. See also Nizam al- Din Ahmad’s later manuscripts as well, although often lacking “bih 2005), 360.