Volume 13 | Issue 47 | Number 1 | Article ID 4400 | Nov 23, 2015 The Asia-Pacific Journal | Japan Focus Salvaging Democracy for West Papuans in the Face of Australia-Indonesia Obstruction Camellia Webb-Gannon Introduction This article argues that the democratic ideals espoused by Australia and Indonesia fall short in application to West Papua and West Papuans, and notes that such shortcomings are legitimated by mainstream media’s exoticist portrayals of West Papuans, particularly in Australia. The antidemocratic policies and processes of each government with regard to West Papua actually enable the (by and large) Map showing West Papua on the island of New “good” bilateral relations at the state level to Guinea in relation to Australia and Indonesia. remain intact. However, this article contends that democracy, as practiced by civil society actors at the grassroots and digital network West Papuans: cannibals or the sacrificed? level in Australia and West Papua, creates Who isn’t fascinated by a cannibal story - cracks in the official Australia-Indonesia state particularly one about a cannibal act relationship. Australian concerns overpurportedly planned in the past decade? In Indonesian human rights abuses in West Papua 2006, a weekly current affairs television show have traditionally been overlooked at the state hosted by a popular Australian network aired a level in favor of pursuing an amicable bilateral program introducing Wawa, a then six-year old relationship. boy its television crew met during a so-called first contact encounter with West Papua’s However by forging digital activist networks Korowai people. Wawa, the program alleged, locally and internationally—including building was facing imminent cannibalization by his West Papuan-indigenous Australiantribe for suspicion of witchcraft. A media fiasco partnerships, West Papuans are participating in followed in which the television network and its a grassroots democratization process with main rival raced to produce a “rescue Wawa” global outreach, refusing to be sacrificed on story. The rival’s controversial presenter was the altar of regionalrealpolitik . The article deported from West Papua for using a tourist visa, and Wawa was eventually taken from his concludes with a cautionary account of an home by the original network’s Sumatran tour apparent attempt by an opportunistic guide to live in Jayapura and, later, Sumatra. Australian political movement to hijack West Papuan democratization for its own ends, a Earlier this year, a staffer of the first- threat West Papuan and Australian civil society mentioned current affairs program informed activists are currently moving to contain. me that a follow up story on Wawa and the 1 13 | 47 | 1 APJ | JF Korowai was being considered. The plan was to “First contact” tourism and journalism are take Wawa on a return visit to Korowai land, sensationalist, essentialist and, with regard to ask him to compare his new school and city life the Korowai, misleading – European with that of his village of origin, and assess missionaries have lived with the Korowai since how Korowai ways of life, including thethe 1970s and the Korowai are knowing, if far practice of cannibalism, had changed since from equal, agents in the marketing of their 2006. “culture” to outsiders. The removal of children from their families of origin by Western This program concept illustrates thejournalists chasing television ratings is of entrenched ignorance that pervades thecourse ethically highly dubious. Yet, despite the mainstream Australian imaginary of West informed criticism directed towards the current Papua and other parts of Melanesia.affairs program after its 2006 West Papua Anthropologist Rupert Stasch, the world’s foray, it has contemplated revisiting the Wawa preeminent scholar on the social relations of story. West Papua has, for a long time, the Korowai, visited Wawa’s people after the threatened the stability of the Australia- media maelstrom and, through conversation Indonesia relationship but Australian citizens with those who knew Wawa, found out that have pressured their government not to let the “there was a predictably wide gulf between the Indonesian government escape criticism for the representations that had circulated in the crimes its military forces commit in West international media and the boy’s actual history Papua. In portraying West Papuans as less than civilized, mainstream Australian media as understood by his kin and co-villagers (who 1 fabrications such as the “Wawa story” serve to were unaware of the media coverage)”. uphold Indonesia’s ongoing colonial occupation Further, “almost all persons [Stasch] spoke of West Papua. They also support an Australian with said that the exclusive reason the first film media-military complex—providing a veneer of crew’s guide had been approached by villagers justification for Australian training of about taking the orphan to town was so that he Indonesian security forces,3—which in turn would go to school, become literate in “keeps in check” the “violent” peoples of Indonesian, and return as a teacher, nurse, or 4 “Stone Age” Papua. Such portrayals feed into government official. These numerous persons one of two broad narratives that surround matter-of-factly denied […] suggestions that the military and government bilateral relations boy had been rumored to be a witch, or had between Australia and Indonesia in which West 2 been in danger of being killed” . Papua is treated by Australia as either a pawn or a liability. In the first narrative, that of “primitive and unpredictable Papuans”, the Australian public gaze is momentarily averted from the violence of the Indonesian military in West Papua, and the pressure on the Australian government to hold Indonesia accountable is relieved. The second narrative will be dealt with in the remainder of this article. *** This second narrative presents Indonesia as a “normal”5 country – that is, democratizing, not Wawa in 2006 subject to military excesses, and accountable to 2 13 | 47 | 1 APJ | JF the rule of law. The Indonesian government West Papuan natural resources, wreaks havoc frequently asserts that these apparenton the environment and local communities, yet attributes also extend to its rule in West Papua. yields negligible benefits to Papuan people7. Yet, upon examination, they appear to be observed more in the breach than otherwise. The Australian government’s willingness to pay lip service to Indonesian claims, for the sake of harmonious relations with Jakarta, silences West Papuans’ grievances at the official, bilateral level. The Australia-Indonesia relationship itself is often portrayed as one incrementally strengthening due to Indonesia’s supposedly increasing democratization. What is rarely considered, however, is the extent to which Australian democratic principles are applied to, and what relationship the democratic credentials of either government has with, the Freeport’s Grasberg mine in West Papua. Image credit: Radio New Zealand International political plight of West Papuans. Each of these concerns has important implications for the civil societies and governments of bothAnd the Indonesia military operates with near countries, as well as their bilateral relationship. impunity in West Papua. In December 2014, Indeed, it appears that it is mutual complicity four unarmed West Papuan youth were killed in the antidemocratic processes being enacted and 17 more injured in Paniai when the in Indonesia and Australia with regard to West Indonesian army and police opened fire on a Papua that tends to strengthen the bilateral group of protesters. Although an investigation relationship at the state level. Simultaneously, into this massacre was opened, it has been that “good” relationship is threatened by the compromised by police involvement. Military alternative processes of digital networking and and police violence has also been a mainstay grassroots democratization which ignore state around Freeport’s mines in Timika since the borders and bring civil society in Australia and company began operations in the 1970s as West Papua closer together. security forces vied with each other for lucrative “protection” contracts for the For example, much has been made ofcompany. There is strong evidence suggesting Indonesia’s democratization since the fall of that security forces also orchestrate violent Suharto in May 1998, and the implementation conflict around the mine (for example, of electoral reforms from 1999 onward.ambushes along the road leading to the mine) However, democratic reforms have had a and then blame such violence on the guerilla- limited reach in West Papua. For example, in led Free West Papua movement, legitimating 2003, the province of Papua was divided into their own presence in the process8. two, “Papua” and “West Papua”, by the central government, contrary to local wishes and High hopes were held for democratic national law. Local Papuan political parties are improvements in West Papua when Joko banned6. The Freeport mine (see Figure 3), Widodo became Indonesia’s president in 2014. controlled by an American company that pays In his most recent visit to the region, Widodo huge royalties and taxes to Jakarta, exploits released five political prisoners and announced 3 13 | 47 | 1 APJ | JF that the ban on foreign journalists visiting West been rolled out in other parts of Indonesia, the Papua would be lifted. However West Papuan Australian government has legitimated the activists claim that the release of the five charade that