Macroeconomics

Macroeconomics

Macroeconomics Macroeconomics A Critical Companion Ben Fine and Ourania Dimakou First published 2016 by Pluto Press 345 Archway Road, London N6 5AA www.plutobooks.com Copyright © Ben Fine and Ourania Dimakou 2016 The right of Ben Fine and Ourania Dimakou to be identified as the authors of this work has been asserted by them in accordance with the Copyright, Designs and Patents Act 1988. British Library Cataloguing in Publication Data A catalogue record for this book is available from the British Library ISBN 978 0 7453 3687 9 Hardback ISBN 978 0 7453 3682 4 Paperback ISBN 978 1 7837 1806 1 PDF eBook ISBN 978 1 7837 1808 5 Kindle eBook ISBN 978 1 7837 1807 8 EPUB eBook This book is printed on paper suitable for recycling and made from fully managed and sustained forest sources. Logging, pulping and manufacturing processes are expected to conform to the environmental standards of the country of origin. Typeset by Stanford DTP Services, Northampton, England Simultaneously printed in the European Union and United States of America Contents List of Boxes viii List of Diagrams ix List of Abbreviations x Preface, Preliminaries and Acknowledgements xi 1 Macroeconomy versus Macroeconomics? 1 1.1 Overview 1 1.2 The Short-Run and Long-Run Syndrome and Beyond 4 1.3 From What to How 11 1.4 Further Thoughts and Readings 18 2 Accelerator-Multiplier: Stabbing the Knife-Edge in the Back? 20 2.1 Overview 20 2.2 The Model 21 2.3 The Greater Realism of Eliminating Instability? 28 2.4 Further Thoughts and Readings 29 3 Classical Dichotomies 31 3.1 Overview 31 3.2 Dissecting the Classical Dichotomy 32 3.3 The Short- and Long-Run and Micro and Macro Dichotomies 41 3.4 Further Thoughts and Readings 44 4 Growth Theories: Old, New or More of the Same? 46 4.1 Overview 46 4.2 Old Growth Theory 47 4.3 New Growth Theory for Old? 54 4.4 Growth Econometrics 59 4.5 Further Thoughts and Readings 64 5 The Keynesian Revolutions 67 5.1 Overview 67 5.2 IS/LM as Neoclassical Synthesis 67 5.3 Reappraising or Reducing Keynes? 74 5.4 Further Thoughts and Readings 83 vi macroeconomics 6 Post-Keynesian Dilemmas 86 6.1 Overview 86 6.2 Post-Keynesianisms? 87 6.3 Kaldor–Pasinetti Savings 90 6.4 Post-Keynesianism as Mainstream? 95 6.5 Further Thoughts and Readings 99 7 Keynesian Revolution: What Keynes, What Revolution? 101 7.1 Overview 101 7.2 The Revolution Portrayed or Betrayed? 102 7.3 Further Thoughts and Readings 107 8 From Monetarist Counter-Revolution to Fundamentalism 108 8.1 Overview 108 8.2 From Vertical Phillips Curve ... 109 8.3 ... to New Classical Economics 112 8.4 From the Not so Sublime to the Even More Ridiculous 121 8.5 Further Thoughts and Readings 122 9 Forging the Consensus: Monetary Policy and Real Business Cycle Theory 125 9.1 Overview 125 9.2 Monetary Policy under the NCE 126 9.3 Real Business Cycle Theory 132 9.4 Further Thoughts and Readings 139 Appendix A: Solution and Calibration of a DSGE Model 141 10 From New Classical Fundamentalism to New Nonsensus Macroeconomics 144 10.1 Overview 144 10.2 Consensus is Borne ... 146 10.3 ... and Shattered? 152 10.4 Further Thoughts and Readings 153 Appendix B: Surveying the Fundamentals in the Three-Equation NCM 155 11 International Macro? 159 11.1 Overview 159 11.2 Monetarism and Keynesianism Go International 159 11.3 Phase Diagrams and Stability Analysis 166 11.4 Further Thoughts and Readings 170 contents vii 12 The Enigmas of Overshooting 172 12.1 Overview 172 12.2 Inflexible Output and Overshooting 172 12.3 Overshooting with Keynesian Features 179 12.4 Further Thoughts and Readings 182 Appendix C: Does the Dornbusch Overshooting Model Have Rational Expectations? 183 13 Whither Macroeconomics? 186 13.1 Overview 186 13.2 Further Thoughts and Readings 188 References 189 Index 193 1 Macroeconomy versus Macroeconomics? 1.1 Overview The purpose of this chapter is to highlight the nature of mainstream macro- economics both in terms of substantive content, conceptualisations and methods. Prior to the global financial crisis, it was argued that a wide consensus had been reached in macroeconomics over the passage of the previous 30 years or so, with compromise and convergence between monetarism and Keynesianism. Effectively, what was a consolidation around what is to constitute the prime subject matter of the field and how it should be explored, found a presence not only in academic research, but also across policymaking circles (particularly central banks) and undoubtedly teaching. What should be acknowledged in this evolution of macroeconomics into the current consensus is a manifold reduction in the scope and method of the study of the macroeconomy, not only relative to previous theorising in classical political economy, but also at the expense of what has been excluded from other approaches at the time that macroeconomics emerged. These include, for example, structural characteristics and processes of the capitalist economy such as monopolisation, distribution of income, role of institutions, sources of productivity change and an integrated view of cycles and growth. This reductionism can be traced at a number of levels, not least through the prominence and division between macroeconomics and microeconomics; the subordination of the former to the latter, particularly, but not exclusively through convergence on general equilibrium; the division and narrow concep- tualisation of the short and long runs; and all of this through the corresponding methods of inquiry. In short, today’s New Consensus Macroeconomics (NCM) views its primary object as the study of short-run deviations of macroeconomic aggregates from a given long-run equilibrium. The latter is fixed, whilst the deviations are presumed to be the outcome of exogenous disturbances to an otherwise stable system. Under particular conditions, there may be room for (primarily) monetary policy to stabilise the system. This framing is undertaken by 2 macroeconomics employing a very specific method, noticeably through deductive mathematical and quantitative modelling. To understand the current state of macroeconomics, the following sections offer a brief overview of the evolution of some important aspects of mainstream theorising in (macro)economics. Whilst macroeconomic theory has offered, occasionally token, differences at particular times, and certainly has done so over time, there are common themes regarding how it has developed in conceiving the workings of the economy as a whole. These include how it should be dis- aggregated into its constituent parts (its structure), how markets are linked and rendered consistent with one another (an aspect of general equilibrium) and, related but distinct from the last theme, how the macroeconomy is aggregated back up to form a totality. In all these respects, microeconomics has been an increasingly essential influence, notably through the convergence of macro- economics on general equilibrium and aggregation from optimising individual behaviour, as well as through the ethos of reliance upon formal models and mathematical, deductive reasoning. Further, how time is treated in macroeconomics, specifically in distinguishing between the short and the long runs, has been conceptualised on many different levels, whilst these have been applied confusedly and interchangeably according to the question at hand. More specifically, short-run factors are narrowly understood, at least in part in order to maintain the distinction between it and the long run, with the latter an umbrella for a broader, but still narrow, range of other factors. This is illustrated, with considerable contemporary relevance, in how money and finance have been conceived within mainstream macroeconomics, with finance assigned predominantly to the domain of microeconomics and lying outside of the short/long-run dichotomy for macro- economics. Such neglect of finance in NCM theorising has been dramatically exposed by the financial crisis of the 2000s. It has demonstrated that money and finance cannot be treated as if separate – as if belonging, respectively, to macro and micro – and finance in particular straddles equally questionable dichotomies between short and long runs. Tensions involved between the micro and macro spheres and the role of money and finance are also reproduced in the various versions and concepts of the efficient market hypothesis (discussed in Box 1.1). In short, the crisis has exposed limitations of mainstream macroeconomics that cannot be rectified by simply improving the model, as it is the very methods and framing of the macroeconomy that are at issue. Despite this (and the same point does not apply to money and finance alone but to other great determinants of the macroeconomy that are subject to neglect within macroeconomics), the reaction to these omissions by the mainstream has been business as usual and to set aside the crisis as a cascade of inconvenient truths. This is a habitual vice macroeconomy versus macroeconomics? 3 of the discipline, as will be seen, which is far from uncommon across the history of mainstream economics more generally, and one that is cumulative both intellectually and institutionally in its adoption in both breadth and depth, if not thereby verging on addiction. This is one way, at least, to understand why macroeconomics has (been) driven to such extremes with limited capacity to change let alone reverse direction. Box 1.1 Efficient market hypotheses Financial economics in the sphere of microeconomics has been heavily oriented around the efficient market hypothesis (EMH) since the early 1970s, especially under the influence of Eugene Fama’s contributions. Significantly, the EMH has been subject to a number of different definitions and interpretations and can be difficult to pin down beyond saying that if markets work efficiently, then they work efficiently. But whatever the conundrums around operational definitions, behind the EMH lies the proposition that stock prices efficiently incorporate and reflect all available relevant information.

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