HIMALAYA, the Journal of the Association for Nepal and Himalayan Studies Volume 23 Number 2 Himalaya; The Journal of the Article 7 Association for Nepal and Himalayan Studies 2003 Monarchy, Democracy, Donors, and the CPN-Maoist Movement in Nepal: A Lesson for Infant Democracies Meena Acharya Follow this and additional works at: https://digitalcommons.macalester.edu/himalaya Recommended Citation Acharya, Meena. 2003. Monarchy, Democracy, Donors, and the CPN-Maoist Movement in Nepal: A Lesson for Infant Democracies. HIMALAYA 23(2). Available at: https://digitalcommons.macalester.edu/himalaya/vol23/iss2/7 This Research Article is brought to you for free and open access by the DigitalCommons@Macalester College at DigitalCommons@Macalester College. It has been accepted for inclusion in HIMALAYA, the Journal of the Association for Nepal and Himalayan Studies by an authorized administrator of DigitalCommons@Macalester College. For more information, please contact [email protected]. MEENA ACI-IARYA MoNARCHY, DEMOCRACY, DoNoRs, AND THE CPN-MAOIST MovEMENT IN NEPAL: A LESSON FOR INFANT DEMOCRACIES This paper reviews the current political cri sis in Nepal in historical , socioeconomic, and ge opolitical contexts. On the basis of fa cts and fi gures, on the political side, it is concluded that democraC)' must grow from within and the structures that develop must represent existing political forc es within the country. Similarly, efforts at globali zation must take into account the nature of the economy. Global­ ization is vi ewed as a multi-dimensional process creating a culture of unlimited wants and massrve di ssatisfac tion with conditions of deprivation. This situation creates fertile ground for insurge ncy of all kinds, as ev ident from the current global situation, wh ich includes Ne pal. ln this context the pa­ per sees very lillie prospect for agreement w ith the tvlaoi sts, who have a completely social ist age nda. INTRODUCTION movement is a complex task. The current crisis may Nepal is facing an all-round crisis, encompassing be attributed to multiple causes, political, economic, all aspects of life-economic, social, political, and and social. 1 cultural. An insurgency led by the extreme left Communist Party of Nepal (CPN-Maoist) has been going on since 1996. The insurgency has spread in FAILURE OF DEMOCRATIC STRUCTURES various intensities to all 75 districts. The United Nepal was ruled by the autocratic Rana family in Nations National Development Program (UNDP) the name of the king from 1846 to 1950, and by the estimates (quoted by the World Bank, 2004) that king himself until1990. A brief period of democratic significant conflicts are raging in 36 districts (see experimentation during the 1950s ended in a royal map, opposite page), creating a third degree security coup in 1960. For thirty years, the country was problem for the donors, and 15 districts are affected ruled by the king directly, with a fa <;ade of elected less intensively by the conflict problems, the second­ institutions called Panchayats at the village, district, Nepal's failure in degree security problem. Only 24 districts are and national level: the Panchayat system. The current participatory gov­ considered moderately secure for the donors and phase of democratic governance began in 1990, when government officials who work there. Civil society then-King Birendra gave in to the popular demand ernance has been organizations or individuals need permission from for democracy. A new democratic constitution, monumental. The and pay levies to the Maoists to work in rural areas promulgated in 1991, was a compromise between responsibilities in most parts of the country [see Haddix-McKay, this the king and the leading political parties of the volume]. About 10,128 people have died as of March for this failure time. Both the Nepali Congress (NC) and t~e Left are attributable 2004 (Informal Sector Service Center [INSEC], United Front (whose important leaders are now 2004). Thousands have been rendered homeless, in either The Communist Party [United Marxist­ to all the political thousands of women and children have lost their Leninist, CPN-UML] or the insurgent Communist parties, the elite livelihood providers, and hundreds of children Party of Nepal [CPN-Maoist]), played major roles groups, and- not have been orphaned. Physical infrastructure worth. in these negotiations. The constitution established least- the donors. US$ 250 million has been destroyed (Dhungel, a democratic system of governance with the King 2004); tourism and manufacturing growth have as the constitutional Monarch, and set forth funda­ been severely affected; transport costs have risen mental rights of speech, association, and political for both exports and imports; and a substantial part participation without discrimination on the basis of of the budget has been diverted from development sex, ethnicity, caste, race, or religion for all citizens. to maintaining security. Economic growth has The guiding principles embodied in the constitution slackened significantly. make women's equality and elimination of all kinds Inquiring into the genesis and rapid growth of this of economic and social inequities a priority. The Left I , Front accepted the constitution, problems than in the previous sys­ though vv ith reservations even at tem. During the democratic move­ that time about the Monarchy. The ments of 1989-1990, the leaders debate has continued. spoke of changes in everything The provision identifying Nepal from the drinking water problem of as a Hindu Kingdom, and prior­ Kathmandu to freedom from pov­ ity accorded to Nepali language, erty, without anticipating that they were also debated as the constitu­ would be held immediately respon­ tion was developed. The issue of sible for such promises. a federal-versus-unitary state was Further, Nepal has been swamped raised weakly by the Madeshis by international human rights or­ (people native to southern plains), ganizations and non-government and has acquired more strength organizations (NGOs). Their sup­ recently with the support of many port for particular causes (e.g. in­ janajati groups (ethnic communi­ digenous people in a country where ties, which constitute about 32 the concept is totally out of context; percent of the total population). the right of education in the mother The constitution also specifies that tongue, where there are more than all political parties must put up at 60 languages, many of them with- least 5 percent female candidates out scripts; or the right of conver­ for election to the House of Representatives (lower house). sion, where conversion is mostly by Christian Missionaries The upper house, to which members are nominated by the from outside the country), has encouraged an explosion of political parties on the basis of their respective strength in expectations. Such issues were exploited extensively both the lower house, must have at least three women among the by the CPN-Maoists and the monarchist groups, who were 60 members. The constitution guarantees equal rights to opposed to the democratic changes of 1990. All these issues all citizens, but the citizenship chapter of the constitution may be legitimate from a democratic perspective, but they and subsequent Acts discriminate against women in several put an inordinate stress on Nepal's infant democracy. ways. For example, the constitution does not recognize ma­ The political parties and the donors remained oblivious ternal descent for natural citizenship rights, or treat the for­ to the brewing turmoil. While the donors offered assistance eign spouses of male and female citizens equally. Similarly, and pushed for market oriented reforms and privatization, equal property rights are guaranteed to all citizens within the political parties in power, both in government and in the laws, which themselves may discriminate against wom­ opposition, operated in an ideological vacuum. The Nepali en. Citizenship is also an issue for recent migrants to Nepal, Congress, which ruled the country for 11 out of 14 years who acquired it only after 1962: their children and other after 1990, was a social democratic party in principle. lt lost dependents who were minors at that time have no right to its ideological ground in the face of the international assault Nepali citizenship. Although according to the constitution, on the mixed economy and its principles. The CPN-UML Nepal is a Hindu Kingdom, people may practice other reli­ also had to grope for its ideological anchor as the social­ gions, but may not convert others. Primary education is to ist/communist systems were dismantled. All the democratic be available in the mother tongue, and people have a right to channels for political participation, elections, media, local protect their own language and culture. The guiding prin­ governments, and NGOs-e.g., farmer's groups, women's ciples make the state responsible for protection of all Nepal's groups, professional associations, various ethnic/caste languages and culture, but only Nepali is recognized as a groups, trade unions etc-became bogged down in the pa­ state language. rochial struggles of the groups and political parties devoid of Thus there are certain inequities embodied in the consti­ principles. Thus, most institutions that might have exerted tution itself. But more fundamental problems lie in function­ democratic checks and balances became dysfunctional, leav­ ing of democratic' institutions and in mechanisms for dealing ing the field entirely to the CPN-Maoists. with legitimate grievances raised by the people. Under the democracy such instit::ttions are comprised of t~e political parties, civil society, local self-government, free-and-fair POLITICAL PARTIES elections, and the rule of law (Dhal, 1990). Nepal's failure Nepal's political spectrum includes multiple parties and in participatory governance has been monumental. The re­ many divisions. (Chart 1 outlines the current political sponsibilities for this failure are attributable to all the politi­ party scenario .) But most can be classified in two major cal parties, the elite groups, and-not least-the donors.