Queer Precarity in Tokyo: How Homosexuality and Addiction add to the Precariousness of Gay Men in urban Japan Written by: Rik Dammer Graduate School of Social Sciences (GSSS) MA: Contemporary Asian Studies (CAS) Supervised by: Olga Sooudi Written by Rik Dammer Student Number: 10875123 2015-07-24 Amsterdam 1 2 Thesis Outline Introduction 4 Chapter One: Homosexuality and Precarity in Japan 6 • 1.1: Precarity as a National Affliction 6 o Marriage and Reproduction 7 • 1.2: Homosexuality in Japan 10 o Homosexuality as a Legal Precarity in Japan 12 Chapter Two: Addiction and Recovery in Japan 16 • 2.1: An Overview of Substance Abuse in Post-War Japan 16 • 2.2: Methamphetamine Use in Gay Communities 22 • 2.3: Narcotics Anonymous in Tokyo 26 Chapter Three: Social Spaces of Gay Recovering Addicts 30 • 3.1: The Significance of Social Space 30 • 3.2: Towards an Understanding of Queer Spaces 32 • 3.3: Analysing the Operation Spaces of my Informants 34 o Spaces of Leisure and Pleasure in Nichōme 34 o ‘Hattenba’: Places of Sexual Contacts 36 3 • 3.4: Gay Ghettoization 41 • 3.5: Places of Recovery 43 Chapter Four: Data Analysis 46 • 4.1: Interview Segments 46 o Kazuaki 46 o Higashi 49 o Yohei 54 o Taniyama 58 • 4.2: Concluding Remarks 66 Bibliography 68 4 Introduction Research Question How do homosexuality and recovery from substance abuse in urban Japanese gay men contribute to the precarity of their social position and spaces? In this thesis I will construct and support the argument that homosexuality and recovery from substance abuse can both add to the precarious position of gay men in Japan; and that this social position can be mirrored and illustrated by the spaces that these gay men socialise in. I hope that this will contribute to a broader understanding of the term ‘precarity’, which is a term often used to refer to uncertain socioeconomic circumstances, especially in relation to Japan’s economic recession that has been going on since the 1990s. I want to show that there can be factors of additional precarity (as mentioned, homosexuality and addiction) and that a precarious social position may be visible in spatial aspects. In order to make this argument clear, I will have a chapter on Precarity and Homosexuality in Japan, constructing a framework in which I can build my argument and later implement my data. It will give a general definition of precarity, and I will make clear how I am going to use that definition to strengthen my argument. I will also try to show some of the social perceptions of homosexuality that have a deep-rooted history in Japanese society, since most of these prejudices will come back later in my informants’ data. Next, I will have a chapter on Addiction in Japan, giving a brief historical overview of methamphetamine abuse and its social perceptions, and also the 5 contemporary use of this particular drug among gay minorities. This is not only to show the social perception of addicts, but mostly to show the highly risky behaviour that can be seen in these men, while delving into some of the reasons and theories behind why such self-destructive behaviour is prominent in this specific group of gay drug users. Following that will be a chapter on Social Spaces, drawing on general theories of urban space and also theories on queer space, which is often rendered as a marginal space, and in this case I will argue that in Tokyo it functions as a precarious space. While I will lace these chapters with occasional quotes and anecdotes from my research, I will present the bulk of my data in the final chapter, where I will take relevant passages from some of my interviews and elaborate on them with a data analysis, connecting them to the theories and arguments that I have made in previous chapter. I hope that this will create a broad understanding of concepts, as well as a strong case for my argument that homosexuality and addiction are contributors to precarity in contemporary Japan. 6 Chapter One: Homosexuality and Precarity in Japan The aim of this chapter is to introduce the topic of homosexuality in Japan, focusing mainly on its social perceptions and implications. I will also connect it with precarity and introduce this term that is globally used in the neo- liberal world to indicate peoples’ precarious circumstances. I will start the chapter by giving a definition of precarity that I can use to analyse my data. Then I will delve into what it means to be a gay man in a country that places so much importance on the establishment of a heteronormative nuclear family. As such, I will show that precarity in Japan is not only about labour (according to its traditional definition), but also about the family, opening up the possibility for homosexuality and addiction to also be seen as aspects of precarity 1.1: Precarity as a National Affliction “Precarity” is a word of the contemporary era, picked up first by social and labour movements in Europe during the 1970s. At the time, it was used specifically in the labour market, referring to “employment that is uncertain, unpredictable, and risky from the point of view of the worker” (Kalleberg, 2009). Since most work in the history of mankind has been precarious by this definition, it has the most pertinent meaning in a select few countries that have enjoyed secure employment, referring mostly to post-war industrialised nations including the US and Japan. Particularly Japan saw a huge economic growth after the war, combined with a high level of job security, famously coined as “lifetime employment”. While beneficial at the time, it brought 7 along a structure of dependency that would collapse as lifetime employment became mostly obsolete after the burst of the economic bubble in the 1990s. This was a structure of dependency on the corporation and the family. Men were often the primary breadwinners, receiving a family wage that supported their unpaid wives as well. The family depended on the breadwinner, and the breadwinner depended on his job security (Allison 2013, p. 6). As this structure collapsed, precarity in Japan is very much about the family as well as labour. I will elaborate on this in the next sub-chapter. Marriage and Reproduction One of Japan’s main contemporary issues is the declining marriage rate, which goes hand in hand with a declining birth rate. Traditionally, Japan has seen arranged marriages between men and women. One of the initial contributors to the declining marriage rate in the post-War era was the near- complete erosion of arranged marriages, which is a general consequence of global neo-liberalized economies and tendencies towards individualism. More and more Japanese idealise the concept of romantic love or at least mutual affection and personal interest as a reason for marriage, but the institutions through which like-minded men and women can meet are still not sufficient (Retherford, Ogawa, & Matsukura, 2001, p. 98). This is problematised by the fact that the social pressure to get married is still very high (Hendry, 1981). There are certain factors that have become more prevalent that make one less likely to marry. Such factors include irregular employment for men and living with ones parents. As such, people in precarious economic positions are more vulnerable to the aspect of precarity related to the family as well. 8 I would like to stress that precarity is not only about labour, but also about a broader range of socioeconomic uncertainties in regards to life and the future. As for the general definition of precarity, it is often defined as a state of socioeconomic uncertainty, unpredictability and risk (Standing, 2011). But I think the word ‘socioeconomic’ does not cover the kind of precariousness I have found in my informants. While most of them were indeed ‘precariously’ employed (that is to say, temporarily or part-time), a few of them had steady employment and income. Their precarity, as I will argue, comes from other insecurities, risks and uncertainties related to being gay and / or being an addict. Because of their homosexuality, there is no normalised way of becoming a proper shakaijin (literally “society person”), which is a term often used for adults who have established a family through (heterosexual) marriage and usually have children (Dasgupta R. , 2012). They are regarded as the ‘winners’ of society, whereas the category of ‘losers’ includes unmarried women over 30, freeters (“free-term” or part-time workers), otaku (geeky, unattractive men) and hikikomori (socially withdrawn people) (Miller & Bardsley, 2005). This perceived status of ‘loser’ is what I connect profoundly to the meaning of precariousness: the inability or uncertainty of fitting in with mainstream working society. Since gay marriage is mostly impossible in Japan (see Chapter 1.2), and means of reproduction for gays are difficult to access and scorned by society, I would argue that for my informants, being homosexual puts them in a specific precarious situation. Below follows a small excerpt of my interview with Hideaki, a 34-year old single man who is from Tokyo. 9 Do you want children? “Yes, I would probably want children, but only if I end up with a partner who wants children as well. If I stay single, then I definitely will not have children.” So if you were with a partner who wanted children, how would you make that a reality? “Well, in Japan there is no good system for that. So maybe I would move to my future boyfriend’s country. I have a thing for foreign boys after all (laughs).