HIGH WATER EVERYWHERE Blues and Gospel Commentary on the 1927 Mississippi River Flood DAVID EVANS The purpose of this paper is to identify and survey the texts of blues, gospel songs and sermons recorded by African Americans about the flood of the Mississippi River and its tributaries in 1927.1 Although to my knowledge this is the first survey of all such recordings that directly mention the flood, it benefits from earlier partial surveys of these songs and songs about other floods by Paul Oliver (to whom I would like to dedicate this paper), Chris Strachwitz and Pete Welding, Keith Briggs, and Steven J. Morrison, as well as the comments of many authors about individual songs and related matters.2 I shall briefly compare these recordings to other songs about the 1927 flood in popular and country music, place them in the context of the unfolding events of the flood and its aftermath as well as a broader American social and historical context, and relate them to the policies, attitudes, and promotional efforts of commercial record companies as well as relevant facts about the lives and compositional and performance styles of the singers and songwriters. It will be shown that these African American recordings offer a wide variety of perspectives on the flood, including direct personal experience of it, news reporting, sentimentality, moralizing, praise and criticism of the rescue and relief efforts, and tragic, heroic, humorous, romantic, sexual, social, racial, political, economic, and spiritual themes. Thus a real his- torical and very public event served to give focus to many of the essential per- sonal concerns found in the texts of blues and gospel songs in general. If one takes into consideration the factors of geographical scope, number of people killed, injured, and left homeless, loss of property, duration of the event, and its long-term impact, the flood of 1927 would have to rank as the greatest natural disaster in the history of the United States.3 It affected 16.5 million acres 3 4 DAVID EVANS of land in seven states: Illinois, Missouri, Kentucky, Arkansas, Tennessee, Mississippi, and Louisiana. Although most of this land was owned by whites, almost all of it had a heavy, often predominantly, African American population, mostly farmers, farm workers, sharecroppers, and other rural manual laborers. It was this population that was hardest hit by the flood. Despite the reinforcement of levees and the building of jetties in the 1870s, there were still occasional severe floods of the lower Mississippi River in 1882, 1884, 1890, 1897, 1903, 1912, 1913, and 1922. By 1927 it was widely thought that the levees had been sufficiently reinforced to be able to withstand any force of water that nature could hurl against them. No one, however, counted on the extraor- dinary amount of rain that would fall on the Mississippi River basin in the win- ter and spring of 1926–27. Severe storms occurred in the mid-South in December 1926, and, before the end of the year, there was flooding in Nashville, Chattanooga, and along the Yazoo River in the Mississippi Delta. The rains continued in January of 1927 along the Ohio River and its tributaries. Pittsburgh was flooded on January 23 and Cincinnati on January 28. Northeast Arkansas and other locations along the lower Mississippi valley experienced flooding in February, with thousands of refugees and several dozen deaths. In March there was another flood in Pittsburgh, and tornadoes accompanied by rain killed sev- eral dozen people in the lower Mississippi valley. In mid-April there were major breaks in the levee system at Hickman, Kentucky, and Dorena, Missouri, and on April 21 the worst break occurred at Mounds Landing, Mississippi, with the water rapidly inundating the city of Greenville and much of the lower Mississippi Delta over an area fifty miles wide and a hundred miles long. On the following day, President Calvin Coolidge appointed Secretary of Commerce Herbert Hoover to head the flood relief effort. Hoover had experience in similar efforts in Europe following World War One and was admired for his efficiency and organizational skills. Levees continued to break in Louisiana as the high water proceeded toward the Gulf of Mexico. The city of New Orleans was only saved from disastrous flooding by a decision to dynamite the levee at Caernarvon beginning on April 29 and lasting for several days, in order to allow the water to drain toward the Gulf. Two parishes were almost totally flooded as a result. Meanwhile, Hoover, with the aid of the Red Cross, organized the relief effort. By June, the waters had largely receded, leaving a vast mud plain. It was too late to plant, however, and many farmers in the affected area could not make a crop in 1927. Altogether, over 162,000 homes were flooded, 41,000 buildings destroyed, between 600,000 and a million people made homeless, between 250 and 1,000 people drowned, and up HIGH WATER EVERYWHERE 5 to a billion dollars in economic losses incurred. Over 90 percent of the flood refugees were black. In contrast to its themes of destruction, tragedy, charity, and heroism, there were two aspects of the flood story that were especially controversial, revealing appalling portraits of selfishness, prejudice, and inhumanity. One of these cen- tered on the decision to dynamite the levee at Caernarvon, Louisiana. While the city of New Orleans was saved from major devastation, large parts of St. Bernard and Plaquemines Parishes were inundated. Some ten thousand people were evac- uated before the dynamiting, most of them to New Orleans. The decision to dynamite was purely a matter of Louisiana politics, with the political and eco- nomic power, social standing, and greater voting population of New Orleans pre- vailing over the forces of the two neighboring parishes. Most of the refugees lost their homes, property, and livelihoods. New Orleans political and financial lead- ers gave guarantees that the refugees would be compensated for their losses. Yet, when the time came for a settlement, the city proved itself to be stingy with its money. Most refugees received barely anything and were ruined economically. This episode, as important and shameful as it was, received only a single rather confused and not especially revealing mention by blues singer Sippie Wallace in the body of African American songs about the 1927 flood. The reason was undoubtedly the fact that most of the people affected in the two parishes were Spanish Isleños, descendants of earlier settlers from the Canary Islands. Blacks were a small minority, along with people of French, Portuguese, Hungarian, and Filipino descent. Although many of the residents were prosperous, they were viewed by other citizens of Louisiana as socially disreputable on account of their ethnic status and their occupations of fur trapping, fishing, bootlegging, and smuggling. Their plight simply did not capture the attention of America’s black community.4 The second controversial and appalling aspect of the flood story was the application of the rigid southern Jim Crow system to the rescue and relief effort. This issue did affect the black community in a major way. Although it is not the exclusive or even the predominant focus of most of the blues and gospel songs about the flood, I will attempt to show that it is alluded to, often cryptically, and is a significant subtext of many of the songs. Because of the fear and horror that it evoked, most blues and gospel artists, who usually lived in the South, toured there, or had relatives and friends there, were reluctant to address this issue overtly or were perhaps prevented from doing so by white-controlled record companies. Indeed, if one were to listen to all the songs about the flood by 6 DAVID EVANS African American singers without knowing anything more than the fact that they were about a great natural disaster, one could easily come to the conclusion that the issue of Jim Crow is not even mentioned. It is only when one learns about the conditions that existed, the incidents of brutality and coercion, espe- cially as reported in the African American press, that certain phrases in a num- ber of the songs begin to reveal their deeper meaning. Some of the songs even reveal as much by what they don’t say as they do by their texts. Herbert Hoover was in a difficult position. In the midst of spreading flood waters and new breaks daily in the levee system, he had to coordinate rescue efforts over a stretch of several hundred miles of the Mississippi River and fur- ther hundreds of miles along its tributaries. He had to see that the refugees were brought to safe places and received adequate food, clothing, shelter, and health care. He had to prevent looting and other crimes, and oversee the repair of bro- ken levees. Finally, there was the clean-up and rebuilding effort. It was a daunt- ing organizational and logistic task, and, to his credit, Hoover handled it with an efficiency that probably prevented the death toll from climbing much higher. In his work he enlisted the aid of the U.S. Army Corps of Engineers, state and local officials, the various state units of the National Guard, and the American Red Cross. All of these institutions and agencies were entirely controlled by whites as well as made up almost entirely of whites, while the majority of victims of the flood were black. The basic policy that emerged was to herd refugees into “con- centration camps” on high ground or in locations outside the flood zone so that goods and services could be delivered to them more efficiently.