APA Format 6Th Edition Template

APA Format 6Th Edition Template

IIUM Journal of Human Sciences Vol. 1, No. 2, 2019, 52-64 ISSN 2682-8731 (Online) Personalised Campaigns in Party-Centred Politics: Facebook and Instagram as Arena for Political Communication Wan Norshira Wan Mohd Ghazali, Shafizan Mohamed, Nur Shakira Mohd Nasir International Islamic University Malaysia Kamaruzzaman Abdul Manan Universiti Pendidikan Sultan Idris ABSTRACT Social media like Facebook and Instagram place the focus on the individual politician rather than the political party, thereby expanding the political arena for increased personalised campaigning. The need to use social media to communicate a personal image as a politician and to post personalised messages online seems less obvious in a party-centred system of Malaysian politics. Within this framework, the personalised and dialogical aspects of social media may be contradicted with the political parties’ structural communication strategies. The study uses data from content analyses of eight Malaysian politicians’ Facebook and Instagram accounts during the 14th General Election in Malaysia. The study adopts quantitative approach by presenting descriptive and exploratory analyses. The findings show that politicians depended more on Facebook as their personal media platform and used Instagram as an image booster. The study explains that different features offer by Facebook and Instagram serve as a determinant for politicians’ decision in using them. The study concludes that both Facebook and Instagram push for personalisation in political communication that requires private exposure and individual initiatives. Overall, the study shows that like other world leaders, Malaysian politicians are keeping abreast with the technology in reaching out various segments of the society for political communication on social media. Keywords: personalised campaign, election, social media, GE 14 INTRODUCTION Although Malaysia claims to be a democratic country, its political practice shows otherwise. Many of its institutions operate within a system that is directly answerable to the government in power. The imposition of strict laws and regulations restrains Malaysia from a full democratisation. As asserted by Case (2002), Malaysia fulfils the semi-democratic structure in South East Asia. The view which concurs with Crouch (1996) and Kim (2001) who claim Malaysia as employing authoritarianism in its country‟s system. Such limited democratic affordances could be illustrated from the way the media and electoral process are being monitored by the government (Mohamed, Abdul Manan, and Ghazali, 2019). It could be argued that the media could not fully exercise its fourth estate role in the country. Ownership is found to be a way to wield political control. It is not something new to learn that the ownership of media institutions has helped the government to control the dissemination of warranted news in the country. The “control will determine the kind of news coverage and position and perspective taken by the media as well as the space it provides for alternative and dissenting views” (Kim, 2001, p. 83). The media freedom in Malaysia has been tightened through this means on the basis to maintain country‟s multi-racial harmony, economic and IIUM Journal of Human Sciences 53 political stability, national security, and to avoid media exploitation (Shahizan, Pauzi, Hashim and Mustana, 2012; Sani, 2005). It is, therefore, fair to suggest that the mainstream media would focus issues that address the interest of the government while giving negative portrayal or ignoring altogether news pertaining to political opposition parties. However, Malaysian media sphere has since changed with the coming of the Internet. The Internet allows for alternative voices to provide news that differs in practices, context, and content of the government controlled mainstream media. Alternative media serves as another agents of information among middle class and younger generations to obtain differing political views and perspective to assist them in making decision before election. Mohamed (2017) claims that alternative media in Malaysia is mostly anti-government since it adopts an oppositional stance to the government. At the early days, the alternative media in Malaysia has been used to promote struggle, mobilisation, and transformation against the dominant political power. The democratisation of public participation that challenged the status quo in the country has been more pronounced. Among the several critical alternative media operating through the Internet are Malaysiakini, the Malaysian Insider, and Malaysia Today. With the existence of the alternative online media, the traditional mainstream media is under the close scrutiny of the public. The power of the Internet should not be underestimated. In 2012, for example, the information dissemination via the Internet was able to mobilise 84 non-governmental organisations ranging from different social classes and groups to challenge the then political power in a mass gathering called Bersih (Ghazali, 2019). Although it was not successful in affecting the government in power, the fact that Bersih as the first major demonstration in Malaysia is remarkable. As social media has gained popularity, the opposition parties started to adopt it for their political communication especially for 2008 general election which started to fragment the Malaysian political media. In the 13th general election, they engaged actively with their electorate via social media, notably Facebook. To keep up with the trend, the former Prime Minister, Najib Razak, was quick to adopt Facebook as a way of reaching the public. Social media has been updating its interfaces and functions from time to time. Existing platforms such as Facebook, twitter and online news portals offered more features such as live broadcast and a range of multimedia performances. New media platforms such as Instagram and WhatsApp were introduced to users. These developments offer new avenues and methods for politicians to reach their electorate bypassing cost and legal pressures. Regardless political affiliations, these platforms offered politicians a fair ground to share their political goals. These developments have further affected how Malaysian politicians engage with the electorate during the 14th general election held in 2018. The many features offered by social media could have been strategically used by politicians to add on more interesting character in Malaysia‟s political landscape. In relation to the technological advancement, the present study looks at how Malaysian politicians take advantage of these platforms by focusing specifically on Facebook and Instagram. Instagram is relatively new in Malaysian politics, as the politicians in previous elections did not yet adopt it. The 14th general election was the first time where politicians were able to incorporate Instagram into their media portfolio. This could serve as a point of comparison in understanding how selected politicians use Facebook as opposed to Instagram, hence better understand the role of social media and visual communication in politics and elections. The topic under investigation is relevant since Malaysian is highly involved in a virtual community to engage with people of similar interests, specifically political issues. The Internet has grown exponentially to become part and parcel of nearly everyone‟s life at home, workplace, school, college, and in any places in public and private life. The Internet has contributed in the area of commercialisation, information dissemination, and opinion formation in Personalised Campaigns in Party-Centred Politics: Facebook and Instagram as 54 Arena for Political Communication Malaysia. The high Internet speed in Malaysia make users spend more time online. The Internet users survey 2018 by Malaysian Communications and Multimedia Commission (MCMC, 2018) reveals that 87.4% of the Malaysia‟s population used the Internet; with smartphone appears to be the most popular platform of access. Not only that, engagement in social networks is particularly high at 85.6% (MCMC, 2018). MCMC (2018) further reports that social media is popular for connecting people, building communities, voicing out one‟s opinion, and business‟ marketing and advertising. The popularity of social networking sites (SNSs) is further made possible by the improved Internet backbone and overall better utilisation of Information Technologies (Wok and Mohamed, 2017). The more the social networking sites support these features, the popular they would become. This explains why Facebook appears as the most popular social network tool followed closely by Instagram. As the leading social media platform globally, Facebook was founded by Mark Zuckerberg at Harvard University in 2004. The initial idea of Facebook was to create a student directory containing their profiles and pictures which later on became available to the public in 2016 (Haumann, 2015). Facebook offers many social activities ranging from blogging, exchanging messages, to sharing photos and many others with the prime aim of socialising. O‟Brien and Torres (2012) remind that Facebook is extremely open public environment which could erode online privacy. However, it also benefits the users to reach larger community online. Using Facebook, users could create their online profiles to interact with people on the networks. They could write a post of up to 63,206 characters. Facebook continuous developments on its interfaces and features could be suggested as one of the contributing

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