Exhibition Jan Palach obalka_PAL_novyprofil_tisk.indd 1 3/30/09 1:07:37 PM Jan Palach '69 Organizers of the exhibition: Faculty of Philosophy & Arts, Charles University National Museum Partners: The Archive of Security Forces Slovak Film Institute The Institute for the Study of Totalitarian Regimes ETNA spol. s r. o. (Photo: Viktor Portel) (Photo: Jan Palach '69 In January 1969, the 20-year-old student performance of his action as well as the Jan Palach set himself on fire on Wenceslas response it evoked from society. Square (Václavské náměstí) in Prague. He We are aware that an historical perspective wanted to provoke his fellow citizens to rise has certain limitations. It is not able to up against the impending „normalization“ focus on the more universal questions period. Even though he did not succeed which, in the final analysis, are the most in reversing those political developments, important addressed by Palach‘s action his actions became deeply engraved into to this day. Nevertheless, we selected this the memory of society. However, ever approach because it is only fairly recently since his death he has most often been that several important archives have been remembered primarily as a symbol - opened which have a bearing on Palach‘s whether as a „torch“, a victim, or a national actions and make it possible only now hero. This exhibition hopes to offer a to clarify many essential facts. Also, we different perspective, placing the life and believe a sober view of these events may actions of Jan Palach in historical context. It be the best way to „prepare the soil“ for endeavors to place his story in the context those more universal questions. Should of the Prague Spring and the impending this exhibition succeed in being such an „normalization“, to present Palach‘s life and inspiration, its purpose will have been the intellectual background from which he fulfilled. came, and to describe the planning and The Authors Alexander Dubček with steel workers in Ostrava, 20 September 1968 (Source: ÚSD AV ČR) Antonín Novotný giving a New Year’s speech, 1967 (Source: ČTK, Photo: Jiří Rublič) The KSČ leadership at the head of the May 1st parade, 1968. In the first row, from right to left: Kučera, Piller, Kriegel, Dubček, Svoboda, From the Prague Spring to the August Occupation Husák (Source: ČTK) The KSČ action program Since the start of the 1960s, Czechoslovak These unexpected events of the spring of presented a plan for the society had been gradually waking up to a 1968 prompted spontaneous public enthu- reforms the party wanted to new life. The majority of political prisoners siasm, which came to be symbolized by the achieve during the next two were released, the first plans for reform were May 1st celebrations. However, politically years (Source: ÚSD AV ČR) being drafted at academic institutions, and active members of the public were deman- the previously banned novels and films of the ding much more extensive reforms than the For a brief time in the spring of 1968, Alexander Dubček “New Wave” began to be available. President party was willing to allow at the time. Even became the most popular Antonín Novotný, a man connected with the the greatest reformers in the KSČ leadership personality in Czechoslovakia show trials of the 1950s, tolerated a certain took a dim view of the activities of the Club (Source: National Museum) amount of liberalization in the beginning, but of Engaged Non-Partisans (Klub angažova- by 1966 he had once again instituted a harsh ných nestraníků), the creation of the political The writer Ludvík Vaculík was policy of persecution. At the same time, howe- prisoners’ association K 231, or the attempt to the author of the manifesto “Two Thousand Words” ver, an intraparty opposition had been created revive social democracy. The manifesto “Two (Source: National Museum) which removed him from the leadership of the Thousand Words” literally started a panic in Communist Party of Czechoslovakia in January the KSČ Central Committee. Vinohradská třída in Prague, 1968, replacing him with Alexander Dubček. By then Czechoslovak politicians had alrea- 21 August 1968 (Source: The brief eight-month period during which dy experienced several negotiations with National Museum) the democratizing reforms were accelerated representatives of the Soviet Union, who were Occupying tanks in Prague, at an unusually rapid pace is primarily con- calling for the reforms to stop. Even though 21 August 1968 (Source: nected to Dubček. By the end of March 1968, Dubček promised to intervene, he took no National Museum) censorship was no longer and the media had visible steps. Soviet diplomatic pressure was begun to investigate matters from the recent therefore replaced by a military solution: In Soldiers also shot at the past which had previously been taboo; it was the early morning hours of 21 August 1968, National Museum. People standing in front of the due to the influence of such reporting that Czechoslovakia was occupied by the armies of building took cover (Source: Novotný now had to resign the office of the five Warsaw Pact states. However, the invasion National Museum) presidency. He was replaced by the pro-re- prompted nationwide resistance, thanks to form Ludvík Svoboda. Other state offices were which the occupiers did not succeed in es- Anti-occupation posters in also gradually occupied by reform-oriented tablishing a collaborationist government. Presi- Brno (Source: National Museum, politicians. In April 1968, the Communist Party dent Svoboda and several other politicians Photo: Dušan Blaha) of Czechoslovakia (KSČ) approved an Action then traveled to Moscow and convinced the Graffiti from the days of Program in which it presented its plans for kidnapped representatives of the KSČ to sign a August in Vsetín (Source: reform. capitulation agreement with the Soviets. National Museum) On 28 October 1968 a demonstration took place in Prague; participants clashed with police (Source: National Museum) First and last pages of the Moscow Protocol through which the Czechoslovak Government committed itself to actual subordination to Moscow (Source: ÚSD AV ČR) At the 28 October 1968 demonstration in Prague, 77 people were detained. During subsequent demonstrations on 6 and 7 November 1968 Autumn 1968 – The End of Hope in the capital, 167 people were detained. On those same days there were also On 26 August 1968, the Czechoslovak delega- On 18 October 1968, the National Assembly demonstrations in Brno and tion in Moscow signed the so-called Moscow approved a treaty on the temporary conti- České Budějovice (Source: Protocol. In it, the delegation agreed, among nuance of the Soviet soldiers, legalizing the National Museum) other steps, to abolish the conclusions of the continued presence of 75 000 Soviet soldiers party’s extraordinary XIVth convention, held on the territory of the ČSSR. The government On 8 November 1968 the in Prague’s Vysočany district, which had taken made another concession on 8 November publication of the “overly critical” weekly Reportér a clear stand against the occupation. The de- 1968 when it temporarily halted publication was halted for one month. legation committed itself to purging the top of the critical journals Reportér and Politika. Cover from 18 September management of all the media organizations, The ascendancy of conservatives was com- 1968; clockwise from the to renewing censorship, and to preventing the pleted at a meeting of the Central Committee upper left - Oldřich Černík, occupation from being discussed at the UN of the KSČ from 14–17 November 1968. They Alexander Dubček, Josef Smrkovský and Gustáv Husák; Security Council. succeeded both in occupying several impor- President Ludvík Svoboda is When the politicians returned to Czechoslova- tant posts and in pushing through a resolution in the center (Source: National kia, the public no longer placed much trust in establishing a plan for further “normalizati- Museum) them, and they did not want to speak openly on”. The Slovak politician Gustáv Husák had about the results of the negotiations. Alexan- acquired a strong position in the party. In Response of the humor der Dubček once again reached out towards December 1968 he proposed replacing the magazine Dikobraz to the measures of 8 November 1968 a part of the public, assuring citizens in an presumptive candidate for the chair of the (Source: National Museum) emotional speech that reforms would conti- new Federal Assembly, Josef Smrkovský (a nue, albeit at a slower pace. However, in reality, Czech), with a representative of the Slovaks in Publication of the journal policy was already headed in a completely order to maintain the federative principle. The Politika was halted along different direction. On 6 September 1968, Fran- public demonstratively stood up for Smrkov- with Reportér. Cover from tišek Kriegel was removed from the head of ský, who was one of the favorite personalities 3 October 1968: Gustáv Husák (on the left) and Alexander the National Front, having been the only politi- of the Prague Spring, but Smrkovský rejected Dubček (Source: National cian who refused to sign the Moscow Protocol. their support. The conservatives thus gained Museum) Not long afterward, state television director Jiří another victory, which was definitively sealed Pelikán and state radio director Zdeněk Hejzlar in April 1969 through the election of Gustáv Front page of the daily Práce, lost their positions. Zdeněk Mlynář, one of the Husák as First Secretary of the Central Com- 19 October 1968, reporting on the ratification of the treaty on main authors of the Action Program, resigned mittee. the temporary continuance of as Secretary of the KSČ Central Committee in Soviet troops (Source: National the autumn of 1968. Museum) Student-run Majáles Festival in Pra- Student demonstration on the gue, May 1966 (Photo: Miloš Šindelář) Old Town Square (Staroměst- ské náměstí) in Prague, 3 May 1968 (Source: National Archive) Lubomír Holeček (on the left) and Jiří Müller had to join the army after being expelled from their studies.