Washington Decoded 11 May 2007 Deep Throat 3.0 By William Gaines and Max Holland June 17, 2007 will mark the 35th anniversary of a “third-rate burglary” at the Watergate office complex that burgeoned into the downfall of Richard Nixon. If past were prologue, the anniversary would surely have sparked off a whole new round of speculation about the identity of the fabled secret source known as “Deep Throat.” But two years ago, the “source to end all sources” was unmasked after three decades of more or less successful anonymity.[1] Deep Throat turned out to be W. Mark Felt, the number two man in the FBI hierarchy at the time of the 1972 break-in at the Democratic National Committee’s headquarters.[2] And with the guessing game over, the 35th looms as the first major anniversary where the thrill is gone. The Watergate scandal is now relegated to history, where it firmly belongs. Perspective can finally displace a national fixation.[3] Some recently available documents, as well as older ones, when taken together, paint a far different portrait than the one Bob Woodward and Carl Bernstein have long propagated about Deep Throat’s role in the investigation that brought them accolades, fame, and fortune. Mark Felt was far from being just one of many sources, and an ambivalent, reluctant confirmer of information. At critical junctures, he provided vital guidance, knowledge, and leads. He sharpened and expanded upon information reported to him by Woodward. On occasion, Felt would even supply raw information, known only to the FBI, which could be popped into The Washington Post virtually unchanged. All of these contributions were instrumental to Post's leading coverage of the Watergate break- in. It’s fair to say that but for Deep Throat, in 1972 the Post would have been just another groping member of the press pack rather than its crucial, and mostly solo, leader. A revised look at Deep Throat also raises some long-neglected questions regarding Woodward and Bernstein’s protection of the most fabled confidential source in journalism history. When a newspaper reporter negotiates an understanding with a source, does that agreement extend to only the newspaper medium? If the reporter wants a change of terms, is he or she honor-bound to obtain the source’s express permission? Or are silence and the absence of protest sufficient? And finally, what is the effect of the passage of time? Does it give license to a reporter to re-interpret an understanding unilaterally? At several pivotal moments, Woodward amended the terms of the “deep background” agreement to suit his, Bernstein’s, or the Post’s best interests, but not necessarily Felt’s. The Making of Two Myths Washington Decoded During the 31 years Washington’s favorite parlor game lasted, Woodward and Bernstein stoutly maintained that for all the sound and fury, Woodward’s über-secret source was far less important than everyone believed. Deep Throat’s contributions were famously described in 1974, when All the President’s Men was published and revealed the existence of the source dubbed Deep Throat for the very first time. In the book it was claimed that Woodward’s discussions with Deep Throat were “only to confirm information that had been obtained elsewhere and to add some perspective.”[4] That formulation or some variant of it would be repeated endlessly for the next three decades, despite the fact that any careful parsing of the text would have revealed many internal inconsistencies.[5] As recently as 2005, Woodward would tell a C-SPAN interviewer that Deep Throat “was one of many sources. He provided a context and explained that Watergate was much larger and much more abusive. Others hinted at that but didn’t quite have the concept of the scope and magnitude.”[6] The hyperbolic counter-myth about Felt’s role seemingly had its origins in the taut film version of All the President’s Men, starring Robert Redford and Dustin Hoffman, and written by William Goldman. Actor Hal Holbrook’s menacing portrayal of Mark Felt dramatized the secret source all out of proportion to his actual significance. Deep Throat became a mythic figure, to the point where the popular mis-impression was that Woodward and Bernstein had only one source. Or as one critical Post editor put it, it was as if Woodward “did little more than show up with a bread basket that Deep Throat filled with goodies.”[7] That Felt had been dubbed with a “sexy moniker,” borrowed from a pornographic 1972 movie that was the first crossover X-rated film, didn’t hurt the myth- making either.[8] But while the popular fable about Deep Throat was obviously wrong-headed, the account offered up by Woodward and Bernstein also needs revision. New insight into the role Deep Throat played can be derived from keeping in mind his identity, while juxtaposing the original Washington Post articles with archival documents. The latter include the FBI’s investigative files and reports on the Watergate scandal, totaling some 16,000 pages, as well as documents from Woodward and Bernstein’s own papers, which were sold in 2003 for $5 million to the Harry Ransom Center at the University of Texas. Of critical importance are two separate drafts of the manuscript that eventually became All the President’s Men. One is on deposit with the rest of the “Woodstein” collection at the Ransom Center. The other, an even earlier version of the manuscript, was sent anonymously in 2002 to William Gaines, a co-author of this essay.[9] Felt’s contemporaneous and unhindered access to the most sensitive information gathered by the FBI meant that his guidance and encouragement was immensely more important than what could be contributed by any other single source courted by Woodward and Bernstein. Although it remained the reporters’ responsibility to do the hard work, Felt could steer them in the right direction so that they would not waste any time barking up the wrong tree. On some occasions, Felt could provide detailed Washington Decoded information directly drawn from the FBI’s investigation. It may even have been part of the deal between Felt and Woodward that information imparted by Deep Throat could not be used until and unless the reporters succeeded in attributing it to other sources.[10] That would put somewhat of a different spin on Deep Throat’s allegedly most valuable advice to Woodward: “keep digging.”[11] For any reporter, gathering facts that one knows exist, or knowing enough to ask the right questions, or asking questions that one already knows the answers to, are far different propositions than groping around in the dark for information, uncertain where it might lead. It has been said that Woodward and Bernstein “believed in what they were doing” at a time when other reporters at equally prestigious media outlets exhibited little interest in the story.[12] Well, there was a good reason for that. A concrete example of Felt’s assistance that illustrates some of the true complexity of the relationship concerns the Woodward and Bernstein story that appeared in The Washington Post on October 6, 1972. The article was part of a remarkable string of Post scoops, a run that began in mid-September and lasted for some six weeks. All concerned fund-raising at the Committee to Re-elect the President (CRP). This particular front-page story exposed one of the money-laundering schemes overseen by Maurice Stans, the CRP finance chairman. Woodward and Bernstein, for the first time, established precisely how $89,000 of a $100,000 corporate donation had wound its way from Houston to Mexico City the previous April, before landing in the bank account of Bernard L. Barker, one of the five Watergate burglars. Some of the deposited funds had been found in the burglars’ pockets and their hotel room after they were apprehended, in the form of 44 crisp new $100 bills.[13] The Post's October 6 article cited “FBI sources,” “government law enforcement sources,” and FBI “findings” for the bulk of the information about the contribution from the Houston-based Gulf Resources and Chemical Corporation, whose president, Robert Allen, was Nixon’s chief Texas fund-raiser. And although Woodward obtained corroboration from Richard Haynes, an attorney for Gulf Resources, the critical facts that formed the basis for the story were first drawn from Deep Throat. He had provided a step-by-step description of the donation-laundering just a day or two before to Woodward, during one of their clandestine garage meetings.[14] Certain facets of the transaction were publicly known, via articles in The New York Times written by Walter Rugaber, and reports from the General Accounting Office and the House Banking Committee. But no one had gotten all the details down and made them public until Woodward and Bernstein did so on October 6. It was a very complex financial transaction, and the Post's account included names of companies and corporate officers, dollar amounts, and dates that were seemingly drawn straight from the FBI’s investigative files.[15] Specifically, • Felt’s first two money-laundering steps constituted the article’s first FBI finding (that Gulf Resources had transferred $100,000 to its defunct Mexican subsidiary in April).[16] Washington Decoded • Felt’s next two steps were the basis for article’s second FBI finding (that the Mexican subsidiary then passed the $100,000 to a lawyer named Manuel Ogarrio as an inflated payment for “legal services” rendered).[17] • Felt’s steps five and six formed the basis for the article’s third specific finding (that Ogarrio converted the funds to four cashier’s checks