Bencoolen Lives: the long aftermath of the 1824 Anglo-Dutch Treaty Arjun Naidu MA Thesis Asian Studies (60EC) Leiden University Supervised by Professor Nira Wickramasinghe 15 July 2016 2 Contents Contents 2 List of Abbreviations 3 Introduction 4 Chapter Two: William Day 12 Cursetjee Muncherjee, erstwhile spice planter 20 Chapter Three: Kunnuck Mistree 25 Chapter Four: Caffrees 39 Chapter Five: Fragmentary Epilogues 50 Conclusion 57 Bibliography 59 3 List of Abbreviations BPC Bengal Public Consultations Coll. Collection EIC East India Company IOR India Office Records IJC India Judicial Consultations IPC India Public Consultations IPFC India Political & Foreign Consultations NAS National Archives of Singapore SFP The Singapore Free Press and Mercantile Advertiser SSR Straits Settlements Records ST The Straits Times VOC Vereenigde Oost-Indische Compagnie (Dutch East India Company) 4 Introduction “The transfer of this settlement to the Dutch (in exchange for Malacca) in 1825, was a severe blow and great disappointment to all the natives, both high and low. At a meeting of chiefs held at the Government house, at which the English and Dutch authorities were both present, for the purpose of completing the transfer, the senior Rajah rose to address the assembly, and spoke to the following effect: ‘Against this transfer of my country I protest. Who is there possessed of authority to hand me and my countrymen, like so many cattle, over to the Dutch or to any other power? If the English are tired of us, let them go away; but I deny their right to hand us over to the Dutch…’”1 The early nineteenth century saw a number of transfers of colonial power in the Indian Ocean world. The Napoleonic Wars alone saw the transfer of the Ceylon from the Dutch government to the British (1802), the Cape Colony between the same regimes (1814), and the invasion of French Mauritius (1810) and its subsequent British dominance. At the same time, Britain also occupied the Dutch East Indies between 1811 to 1816, returning it to the Netherlands after the wars. In 1824, the British and Dutch governments concluded a treaty providing for the transfer of colonial territories between the two: a line of influence was drawn, and what is today Southeast Asia was divided into British and Dutch spheres. The British East India Company factory at Bencoolen, on the west coast of the island of Sumatra, now falling into the Dutch sphere, would be traded for the Dutch posession of Malacca, on the Malay peninsula and now in the British sphere. On the surface, then, the 1824 Anglo-Dutch Treaty provided for a transfer of power between two colonial regimes heedless of the wishes of their indigenous population, as the Bencoolen Raja alleged. 1 G. F. Davidson, Trade and Travel in the Far East: Or Recollections of Twenty-One Years Passed in Java, Singapore, Australia and China. (London: Madden and Malcolm, 1846), 81–82. 5 The 1824 treaty was the culmination of years of Anglo-Dutch rivalry in the region.2 This rivalry had long roots; the British arrival at Bencoolen in 1685 had been precipitated by their expulsion from Banten in Dutch-dominated Java.3 More recently, the decision by the Lieutenant- Governor of Bencoolen, Sir Stamford Raffles, to establish a trading post on the island of Singapore in 1819 had upset the Dutch, who saw the island as part of their sphere of influence. After several years of negotiations by the Dutch and British governments, an agreement was reached in the 1824 Treaty of London. Among other terms, the British would surrender Bencoolen to the Dutch. In turn, the Dutch would abandon their claims on Singapore, and transfer their holdings in Malacca to the British. More than anything, this Anglo-Dutch treaty is remarkable for how it has shaped the nation-states of South-east Asia; the modern scholar of nationalism, Benedict Anderson, observed the concordance between modern Indonesia and the Dutch East Indies.4 For a process that was common during the colonial period, however, little has been written about the impact of colonial transfers of power, even as the impact of the transfer lasted long beyond the handover date. In Ceylon, Alicia Schrikker has shown how the new British Governors had to accommodate Dutch residents’ demands, along with pre-existing relationships with indigenous powers. Indeed, Dutch ideas on Ceylonese society continued to shape British approaches 2 Peter Nicholas Tarling, Anglo-Dutch Rivalry in the Malay World, 1780-1824 (London: Cambridge University Press, 1962). 3 Leonard Y. Andaya, ‘Interactions with the Outside World and Adaptation in Southeast Asian Society’, in The Cambridge History of Southeast Asia, ed. Nicholas Tarling (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1993), 358, http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/CHOL9780521355056.008; John Bastin, The British in West Sumatra (1685-1825) : A Selection of Documents, Mainly from the East India Company Records Preserved in the India Office Library, Commonwealth Relations Office, London (Kuala Lumpur: University of Malaya Press, 1965), xi–xxii. 4 And, by extension, Malaysia with (more or less) the former British possessions in Malaya and Borneo. See Benedict R. O’G Anderson, Imagined Communities: Reflections on the Origin and Spread of Nationalism, Rev. and extended ed., 2nd ed (London ; New York: Verso, 1991), 120–121; 176. As he observes: “Some of the peoples on the eastern coast of Sumatra are not only physically close, across the narrow Straits of Malacca:, to the populations of the western littoral of the Malay Peninsula, but they are ethnically related, understand each other's speech, have a common religion, and so forth. These same Sumatrans share neither mother-tongue, ethnicity, nor religion with the Ambonese, located on islands thousands of miles away to the east. Yet during this century they have come to understand the Ambonese as fellow-Indonesians, the Malays as foreigners.” 6 to their new territories.5 Meanwhile, commenting on scholarship on decolonisation (a 20th century transfer of power), Farina Mir observes that historiographical understandings have shifted from seeing decolonisation as “event” or “moment”—manifested in a “transfer of power” between two metropoles (colonial to national)—to viewing it as a longer process.6 Much the same could be said about transfers of power between colonial regimes. Surprisingly, this is a aspect of transition that appears to have been elided in histories of Malacca or Mauritius. The case of Bencoolen’s transition has been particularly overlooked. While the international politics of the transfer have been addressed by historians like Nicholas Tarling, no study similar to Schrikker’s has been done. When Raffles, newly appointed as Lieutenant-Governor, arrived at his post in 1818, he held its station in a position of withering contempt. Understandably so, perhaps, for compared to Java—the island the British held for five years during the Napoleonic wars, and site of Raffles’ last Governorship—Bencoolen was indeed ‘the most wretched place.’7 Raffles’ characterisation (unfair or otherwise), continues to persist. In the (English-language) historiography of the region, meanwhile, Bencoolen has been cast in a marginal light, particularly in relation to the Straits Settlements of Penang, Malacca, and Singapore. The object of this thesis, then, is to follow the long aftermath of the transfer of power from British Bencoolen to the Netherlands Government. It extends understandings of regime change or “transfers of power” temporally—bringing histories of Bencoolen’s exchange past 1825—but also spatially, placing Bencoolen as one of many Indian Ocean port nodes. Rather than focus on the 5 Alicia Schrikker, Dutch and British Colonial Intervention in Sri Lanka, 1780-1815 : Expansion and Reform, TANAP Monographs on the History of Asian-European Interaction ; Vol. 7. 288424344 (Leiden etc: Brill, 2007); Alicia Schrikker, ‘Caught Between Empires. VOC Families in Sri Lanka after the British Take-Over, 1806-1808’, Annales de Démographie Historique n° 122, no. 2 (1 July 2012): 127–47. 6 F. Mir, ‘AHR Roundtable on The Archives of Decolonization: Introduction’, The American Historical Review 120, no. 3 (1 June 2015): 844–51, doi:10.1093/ahr/120.3.844. 7 Raffles to William Marsden, 7 Apr 1818 in Sophia Raffles and Thomas Stamford Raffles, Memoir of the Life and Public Services of Sir Thomas Stamford Raffles, F.R.S. &c. Particularly in the Government of Java, 1811-1816, and of Bencoolen and Its Dependencies, 1817-1824: With Details of the Commerce and Resources of the Eastern Archipelago, and Selections from His Correspondence (John Murray, 1830), 293. 7 colonial administrators, or military officers that have been the subject of historical writing so far, it looks at the individuals who were affected by the transfer in order to understand colonial transition more generally. These include convicts transported from India, plantation owners (and, by extension, those who worked for them), as well as the Caffrees, who had been emancipated from slavery during Raffles’ governorship. Time and Space The thesis was born out of a hunch. Working in the British colonial archives for another project, I was struck by how far into the future the legacies of the 1824 Anglo-Dutch treaty stretched. Well into the 1850s, there were records of Dutch pensioners in Malacca maintained by the British government, petitions from convicts once despatched to Sumatra, and Bencoolen spice planters turned merchants taking up residence in Singapore. On probing further, it became clear that concerns about Bencoolen did not end with the transfer. Indeed, why were British authorities so preoccupied with matters in a settlement they had divested, or with reminders of previous imperial regimes? By and large, however, the prevailing historiography of Bencoolen fails to capture this sweep. While there have been several histories of Bencoolen written, all of the English-language accounts take 1825 as their end point, a fact that is apparent from their title: John Bastin’s The British in West Sumatra: 1685—1825, based on the Sumatra Factory Records (SFR) in the India Office Records collection at the British Library, ends with the transfer of power (just as the SFR does).