ARCTIC VOL. 69, SUPPL. 1 (2016) P. 1 – 15 https://doi.org/10.14430/arctic4573 Living at a High Arctic Polynya: Inughuit Settlement and Subsistence around the North Water during the Thule Station Period, 1910 – 53 Bjarne Grønnow1 (Received 19 February 2016; accepted in revised form 12 April 2016) ABSTRACT. The settlement and subsistence patterns of the Inughuit of the Avanersuaq (Thule area) are described and analyzed for the years 1910 to 1953, when Knud Rasmussen’s trading station at Dundas was active. Inughuit subsistence was based on the rich biotic resources of the North Water polynya between Ellesmere Island and Greenland, but the analysis shows that trade, primarily with fox furs at the Thule Station, also played a major role in shaping the settlement pattern of the period. During the Thule Station Period, the named winter settlements amounted to c. 40 sites; however, only 10 – 15 of them were settled at any given time. The Inughuit settlement close to the station, Uummannaq, soon became the largest site in the area. The sources enable us to follow changes of residence of some hunting families over four decades. By moving their winter sites every second or third year, the families gained primary knowledge of the topography and seasonal variation of the hunting grounds in the entire Thule district during their active years. In the same way, they connected with diverse family networks through the years. Tracing the sledge routes that connected the sites over great distances reveals how decisive proximity to main and escape routes over the Ice Cap was for site location. Dog sledge technology, and thus capacity to transport people, gear, and stored food, boomed during the Thule Station Period with the wealth created from trade and access to raw materials. Mapping the main hunting grounds on the sea ice and modeling the hunters’ annual range of possibilities for accessing different game—mainly walrus, ringed seal, narwhal, and sea birds (plus some caribou)—showed that ringed seal formed the bread and butter of the subsistence economy. However, bulk resources, gained in particular from intensive spring walrus hunts at a few hot spots, as well as carefully timed consumption and sharing of the stored meat and blubber, were keys to life at the North Water polynya. Temporary settlement at the trading stations in the area—a couple of winters at a time—was also part of the risk management strategy of the Inughuit. Key words: historic Inughuit; North Water polynya; subsistence/settlement patterns; hunting strategies; hunting grounds; annual hunting cycle; sledge routes; trade RÉSUMÉ. Les modèles d’établissement et de subsistance des Inughuits de l’Avanersuaq (région de Thulé) font l’objet de descriptions et d’analyses pour les années allant de 1910 à 1953, à l’époque où la station de traite de Knud Rasmussen à Dundas était active. La subsistance des Inughuits reposait sur les riches ressources biotiques de la polynie des eaux du Nord, entre l’île d’Ellesmere et le Groenland, mais l’analyse montre que la traite, principalement celle de fourrure de renard à la station de Thulé, a également joué un grand rôle dans la formation du modèle d’établissement pendant cette période. Durant la période de la station de Thulé, le nombre d’établissements hivernaux nommés se chiffrait à environ 40 sites. Cependant, seulement 10 à 15 d’entre eux étaient fonctionnels en même temps. L’établissement des Inughuits près de la station, soit Uummannaq, a tôt fait de devenir le plus grand site de la région. Les sources nous permettent de suivre les changements de résidence de certaines familles de chasseurs sur quatre décennies. En déplaçant leurs sites hivernaux aux deux ou trois ans, les familles acquéraient des connaissances directes de la topographie et de la variation saisonnière des territoires de chasse de l’ensemble du district de Thulé pendant leurs années d’activité. De la même manière, ils entraient en contact avec divers réseaux familiaux au fil des ans. Le fait de retracer les chemins empruntés par les traîneaux qui reliaient les sites sur de grandes distances révèle à quel point la proximité des chemins principaux et des chemins d’évasion sur la calotte glaciaire jouait un grand rôle dans l’emplacement du site. La technologie des traîneaux à chiens et, par conséquent, la capacité à transporter des humains, de l’outillage et des vivres conservées, a battu son plein pendant la période de la station de Thulé, lorsque la richesse découlait de la traite et de l’accès aux matériaux bruts. Le mappage des principaux territoires de chasse sur la glace de mer et la modéli- sation de l’étendue annuelle des possibilités des chasseurs d’avoir accès à différents types de gibier — principalement le morse, le phoque annelé, le narval et les oiseaux marins (en plus d’un peu de caribou) — a permis de démontrer que le phoque annelé constituait l’essentiel des moyens d’existence de l’économie de subsistance. Cependant, les ressources en vrac, acquises par le biais de chasses printanières intensives du morse dans quelques points chauds, de même que la consommation et le partage soigneusement planifiés de la viande et du petit lard emmagasinés, étaient essentiels à la vie dans la polynie des eaux du Nord. L’établissement temporaire aux stations de traite de la région, environ deux hivers à la fois, faisait également partie de la stratégie de gestion des risques des Inughuits. 1 SILA – The Arctic Centre at the Ethnographic Collections, Modern History and World Cultures, The National Museum of Denmark, Frederiksholms Kanal 12, DK-1220 Copenhagen, Denmark; [email protected] © The Arctic Institute of North America 2 • B. GRØNNOW Mots clés : Inughuit historique; polynie des eaux du Nord; modèles de subsistance et d’établissement; territoires de chasse; cycle de chasse annuel; chemins empruntés par les traîneaux; traite Traduit pour la revue Arctic par Nicole Giguère. INTRODUCTION grounds, seasonal hunting and trade possibilities, and hunt- ing strategies. High Arctic recurrent polynyas are rare and separated by Primary ethnographies of the TSP are Rasmussen (1921), vast distances and areas of sea ice, but these Arctic oases, Holtved (1944), and Vibe (1950), which are supplemented which offer an abundance of marine game and other by the unpublished diaries of Holtved, 1935 – 37, and resources (e.g., Vibe, 1950; Born and Böcher, 2001; Heide- Gilberg’s (1971) compilation. Jørgensen et al., 2016), have always been crucial to humans in the High Arctic (Schledermann, 1980; Born, 1987). In recent decades, studies of pre-Inuit and Thule culture set- THE NETWORK tlement and subsistence around polynyas have been car- ried out in Greenland through interdisciplinary research During the TSP, the network of settlements in the initiatives involving geography, biology, anthropology, and Avanersuaq (Thule) area was probably more complex and archaeology. With a starting point in work by Andreasen widespread than ever (Fig. 2). The number of winter sites and Elling (1991) around the North East Water polynya (the during the period covered by published population statis- NEWLand Project) and by the Sandells at the Scoresby tics (1923 – 35) was about 36, all of them with place names Sund polynya (Sandell and Sandell, 1991), the GeoArk Pro- (Table 1) (Holtved, 1944:7 – 14; Gilberg, 1971). Some sites, ject conducted archaeological and climatological investiga- for example Uummannaq, Neqi, and Kiatak, were almost tions in the Sirius Water, a recurrent polynya in North East continuously inhabited throughout the TSP. However, Greenland (2004 – 10). These campaigns highlighted the the combinations of households (or families; see Holtved, polynyas as stepping stones for various mobile prehistoric 1967:145; Gilberg, 1994:39) at these sites changed con- societies that populated North East Greenland (Gotfredsen, stantly. Most winter sites, like Sukat and Natsivilik, were 2010; Grønnow, 2010; Sørensen, 2010). settled only sporadically, but every site in the network The results and experiences from these investigations was well known and could easily be occupied if a family recently led to a renewed interest in settlement and subsist- decided to settle there. All winter sites had house ruins ence around the important North Water polynya. Covering ready to move into following repair and rebuilding with the northern Baffin Bay and Smith Sound between Avaner- turf and flagstones left by earlier inhabitants (Rasmussen, suaq (the Thule district) and Ellesmere Island (Fig. 1), the 1921:537). Likewise, caches for meat, blubber, and gear North Water has rich biotic resources that have attracted were reused, as well as fox traps and hare fences. humans through four millennia. This gateway to Greenland According to population statistics for 1923 to 1935 (Appelt and Gulløv, 1999) has a complex cultural history (Holtved, 1944:12), typically 10 – 15 sites (i.e., 25% – 40% of that led to the present Inughuit settlement (Schledermann, the potential winter sites) were settled at any given time. The 1990; Grønnow and Sørensen, 2006). Thus, the North total population numbered 250 – 270 individuals or about 60 Water, in contrast to the other polynyas in High Arctic households (Gilberg, 1976). The maps (Fig. 3) show active Greenland, is connected to rich ethnohistoric material. The sites (and sizes) for three selected winters. Figure 3 and North Water Project (NOW), motivated by recent dras- Table 1 demonstrate that the network of winter sites a) cov- tic changes in the living conditions of the Inughuit, brings ered the entire region; b) showed great variation from year archaeologists together with biologists and anthropologists to year; c) included some sites that were continuously set- in order to explore relations between humans and their tled; d) included short-lived, “pioneer settlements” founded biotic resources over the long term (Hastrup et al., 2015). in the periphery (Inglefield Land and Melville Bugt); and e) This paper provides a historical frame of reference for consisted on average of four households per site (range = 1 research within the NOW Project.