Durham E-Theses European foreign policy co-operation: Interpreting the institutional debates from Fouchet to the single European act Miller, Kevin How to cite: Miller, Kevin (1995) European foreign policy co-operation: Interpreting the institutional debates from Fouchet to the single European act, Durham theses, Durham University. Available at Durham E-Theses Online: http://etheses.dur.ac.uk/5323/ Use policy The full-text may be used and/or reproduced, and given to third parties in any format or medium, without prior permission or charge, for personal research or study, educational, or not-for-prot purposes provided that: • a full bibliographic reference is made to the original source • a link is made to the metadata record in Durham E-Theses • the full-text is not changed in any way The full-text must not be sold in any format or medium without the formal permission of the copyright holders. Please consult the full Durham E-Theses policy for further details. Academic Support Oce, Durham University, University Oce, Old Elvet, Durham DH1 3HP e-mail: [email protected] Tel: +44 0191 334 6107 http://etheses.dur.ac.uk 2 ABSTRACT European Foreign Policy Co-operation : Interpreting The Institutional Debates From Fouchet To The Single European Act KEVIN MILLER This thesis focuses upon three distinct episodes in the development of European foreign policy co-operation : 1. The Fouchet Negotiations of 1961-62; 2. The Luxembourg Report of 1970; 3. The Single European Act of 1986. In the context of these episodes a number of consistent themes are apparent. Firstly, the inclusion and participation of the UK is seen to be of crucial importance to the legitimacy and credibility of foreign policy co-operation. Secondly, the gradual but perceptible decline of French influence among its European partners. Thirdly, the importance of the role of the Western European Union in the development of foreign policy co-operation. This thesis develops the view that evolution of European foreign policy co-operation should not be viewed in the context of a struggle between Supranational and Intergovernmental visions of European integration. It concludes that there is among member states a broad underlying consensus with respect to the fundamental character of a European foreign and defence identity. EUROPEAN FOREIGN POLICY CO-OPERATION : INTERPRETING THE INSTITUTIONAL DEBATES FROM FOUCHET TO THE SINGLE EUROPEAN ACT KEVIN jVHLLER Thesis submitted for the degree of PhD, 1995 The copyright of this thesis rests with the author. No quotation from it should be pubhshed without his prior written consent and information derived from it should be acknowledged. Department of Politics University of Durham The copyright of this thesis rests with the author. No quotation from it should be published without his prior written consent and information derived from it should be acknowledged. mi g DEC 1995 CONTENTS INTRODUCTION 1. The Fouchet Negotiations : 1961-63 3 Drafting the Fouchet Plan 11 The Second French Draft 17 Draft Treaty of the Five 20 Joint Draft and Report 25 End of Negotiations 31 The Netherlands, Britain and the Atlantic Alliance 34 Fouchet: Theory and Interpretation 59 2. The Birth of European Political Co-operation : 1969-71 81 The WEU Crisis 82 The Luxembourg Report 102 3. The Dooge Committee and Report 121 Creating an Intergovernmental Committee 128 The Dooge Report and Political Union 132 The Search for an External Identity 134 The Accommodation of Diverse National Interests 142 4. Defence and Security : The Role of WEU 162 WEU and the Fouchet Negotiations 171 From Crisis to Reactivation 171 The Reactivation of WEU : 1984 174 5. From Dooge Report to the Milan Council 207 6. The Single European Act Negotiations 232 The Draft Agreement on Political Co-operation 234 The Draft Treaty on European Union 242 The Single European Act 259 7. Conclusion : The Dynamics of Foreign Policy Co-operation 281 Understanding the Legacy of Fouchet 290 Bibliography INTRODUCTION The creation of a 'European' foreign and defence identity has been and remains a constant underlying theme of post-war European integration. The realisation of this identity is generally regarded as the final and most difficult hurdle in construction of a fully fledged European Union. As a consequence all attempts to place foreign policy co-operation among the Member States of the EU on a formal footing have been scrutinised within the context of the 'European Union' debate. All projects, regardless of their intent or the particular context of their initiation are thus examined and judged, not upon their individual merits and the specific issues they seek to address, but upon the degree to which they approach a particular end model of that notoriously ambiguous goal of an 'ever closer union'. Whilst this study is no exception to this general rule, the evidence that has been examined tends to suggest that, since the implementation of the Treaty of Rome, this debate leads us unnecessarily down a blind alley. There exists among the governments and policy elites of the Member States a surprising underlying consensus with respect to the fundamental character of a 'European' foreign and defence identity. It has become clear in the course of this research that the debates and disputes exercising the participants in the development of foreign policy co-operation have revolved around questions of detail, necessity and relative power, rather than antithetical visions of 'European Union'. In tracing the evolution of foreign policy co-operation among the Member States this thesis can be divided into three distinct, but ultimately linked episodes which may be characterised as the conception, birth and the coming of age of foreign policy co-operation. In the context of these episodes: the Fouchet negotiations of 1960-62; the Luxembourg Report of 1970 and the Single European Act of 1986, a number of consistent themes have emerged. Firstly, the inclusion and participation of the UK is seen to be of crucial importance in offering legitimacy and credibility to the success of any project in the sphere of foreign policy/security co-operation. Secondly, throughout the period researched one can observe a gradual, but nonetheless perceptible decline in the political pre-eminence of French influence among the Member States. Thirdly, a further factor to emerge is the importance of the role played by the hitherto largely ignored WEU as a vehicle in integration process. The approach adopted in this study has been one of detailed textual analysis of the various draft treaties, and the issues aroused in the negotiation of the various drafts. In addition concentration on textual sources has been supplemented by personal interviews with two prominent participants in the negotiations leading to the institutionalisation of EPC in the Single European Act. The chronological parameters of the thesis are essentially 1960 to 1986, thus the implications of the negotiation and implementation of the Common Foreign and Security Policy found in the 1992 Treaty of Political Union have not been considered. However, whilst post-1989 geo-political conditions have led to a reassesment of the role of Europe in the post cold-war world, the decisions taken in the Maastricht Treaty vis-a-vis foreign and security policy are essentially consistent with the patterns identified in this thesis. CHAPTER ONE THE FOUCHET NEGOTL^TIONS : 1961-63 The establishment of the Fouchet Committee had its origins in attempts by President de Gaulle to institutionalise political co-operation between the Member States of the EEC at the highest level. The desirability of organised political co-operation was initially expressed by de Gaulle during an official visit to Rome on 2 June 1959 ^, at which time he proposed the establishment of a system of regular meetings between Foreign Affairs Ministers, who would be supported by a small permanent Secretariat. This proposal was made on a bilateral basis to the Italian Government, who accepted the principle of regular consultation at the level of Foreign Ministers, on condition that all six Member States of the Community be invited to participate. Concrete expression was given to the proposal following a meeting of the E.E.C Council of Ministers in Strasbourg on 23 November 1959. The Ministers announced their intention to meet every three months for the purposes of 'consultation on matters of international policy'^. It should be noted that although the principle of regular consultation was accepted, the Foreign Ministers decided to reject the idea of a permanent Secretariat, and also made it a clear stipulation of their terms of reference that the deliberations of the Ministers should not prejudice consultations in NATO or WEU . Encouraged by this initial success de Gaulle determined to take the idea of regular consultation further, to the level of the Heads of Government. In pursuit of this aim he initiated a series of bilateral meetings with the Heads of State or Government of the six ( paying particular attention to his developing relationship with Chancellor Adenauer of the FRG ) in an effort to convince his counterparts of the value of 'organised co-operation'. In addition to these personal contacts with his constitutional equals, the General embarked upon a series of staged press conferences, and television and radio broadcasts in which he expounded his ideas on the political future of Western Europe. "To ensure regular co-operation between the States of Western Europe is what France considers desirable, possible and practical in the political, economic and cultural domains, and in that of defence. This requires organised regular consultation between responsible governments, and then the work of specialised organs in each of the common domains which are subordinated to government." ^ As a consequence of this persistent and frenetic period of activity de Gaulle was able to muster support for a summit meeting between the Heads of State or Government of the Member States, to take place in Paris on 10-11 February 1961.