The Socialist New Woman Redux: Hella Wuolijoki's Life Writing in The

The Socialist New Woman Redux: Hella Wuolijoki's Life Writing in The

THE EUROPEAN JOURNAL OF LIFE WRITING VOLUME V(2016)GP9–GP23 The Socialist New Woman Redux: Hella Wuolijoki’s Life Writing in the 1940s Katarina Leppänen University of Gothenburg ABSTRACT IN ENGLISH Autobiography can be thought of as, among other things, a speech of defence. The Estonian–Finnish author Hella Wuolijoki started writing her autobiogra- phy in prison and it very much reads as a legitimization of her political life choices. The article investigates how Wuolijoki depicts her own politicization, and how she plays with different author names in order to destabilize a taken- for-granted author position. The material used is her three part autobiogra- phy/memoirs, in which she explicitly declares that she is less interested in the facts of her life, but rather wants to keep them in their original memory-form. This gives her the freedom to recount events she deems important for her self- formation, rather than events or general interest. Feminist and autobiographi- cal theory is used as a tool to investigate how dislodging the authorial position can open new ways of emphasising a woman’s political development. Thus, the literary formation of a political and feminist persona can be studied through her works. In this article I relate Wuolijoki’s writing to a way of theorizing the position of the political woman that could be found in Alexandra Kollontai’s pamphlet on the socialist New Woman written in 1918. The article analyses how Wuolijoki legitimizes her political activities by recounting her life as always intricately connected to contemporary political events. The article shows that political autobiography is a concept that can open new perspectives on women’s life writing and that the construction of an autobiographical persona that com- bines the concepts of woman and political may rely, as in this case, on types or models found in literature rather than life. European Journal of Life Writing, Vol V, gp9–gp23 2016. doi: 10.5463/ejlw.5.190 10 Katarina Leppänen ABSTRACT IN SWEDISH Självbiografi kan ses som, bland annat, ett försvarstal. Den estnisk-finska för- fattaren Hella Wuolijoki började skriva sin självbiografi i fängelset för att leg- itimera sina politiska livsval. Artikeln undersöker hur Wuolijoki skildrar sin egen politisering och hur hon leker med olika författarnamn för att destabi- lisera en förgivet tagen författarposition. Det analyserade materialet utgörs av hennes självbiografi/memoarer i tre band i vilka hon explicit deklarerar att hon är mindre intresserad av fakta och snarare vill behålla händelserna så som hon minns dem. Detta ger henne friheten att behandla skeenden som hon anser viktiga för sin egen formering snarare än sådant som kan vara av allmänintresse. Feministisk och självbiografisk teori används som ett verktyg för att undersöka hur förskjutningen av författarens ställning kan öppna nya sätt att betona en kvinnas politiska utveckling. I artikeln jämför jag Wuoli- jokis skrivande med Alexandra Kollontajs sätt att teoretisera den nya kvinnan (1918). Artikeln analyserar hur Wuolijoki legitimerar sina politiska aktiviteter genom att ständigt relatera till samtida politiska händelser. Artikeln visar att en läsning ur ett politiskt självbiografiskt perspektiv kan öppna för nya perspektiv för kvinnors life-writing och att konstruktionen av ett självbiografiskt persona som kombinerar begreppen kvinna och politik, åtminståne i det här fallet, är beroende av typer och modeller som finns i skönlitteraturen snarare än livet. Keywords: Hella Wuolijoki; Finland; Estonia; political autobiography; the new woman; socialism Who can write political autobiography? Is politics a subject vouchsafed those who have occupied centre stage in the political institutions? Or can politics be found just about everywhere, and can political autobiography thus be written from any position? In this article, I will read the autobiog- raphy of the versatile and equivocal Estonian–Finnish personality, Hella Wuolijoki, in terms of its politics. During the turbulent first half of the twentieth century, Finland experienced a number of major political pro- cesses. The liberation from the Russian Empire was finalized in 1917. It was the result of a long process of struggle for cultural and political inde- pendence and freedom, which had resulted in, for example, universal suffrage in 1906. The years after 1917 were marked by civil war between the “reds” and the “whites”, and political suspicion and distrust prevailed in the political institutions for decades to come. Finland fought two wars against the Soviet Union, the Winter War 1939–1940, and the Continu- ation War 1941–1944. It is during this global political turmoil that the events/texts analysed in this article unravel. Hella Wuolijoki (1886–1954) was arrested for treason in May 1943 and sentenced to life imprisonment. The sentence was lifted in September Hella Wuolijoki’s Life Writing in the 1940s 11 1944 when the peace treaty between Finland and the Soviet Union was signed. During these sixteen months Wuolijoki was held in solitary con- finement, first by the security police, then at Katajanokka prison in Hel- sinki. The reason for this “life drama” was the confession by the Soviet spy Kerttu Nuorteva who, after a lengthy interrogation by the security police, revealed Wuolijoki as her secret contact in Finland, codenamed “The Poet”.1 Wuolijoki was born as Ella Murrik in Helme in 1886 (current south- ern Estonia, then part of the Russian Empire) and moved to Helsinki after secondary education in St Petersburg. During the first half of the twentieth century she acted politically on several different levels: as a playwright, journalist, salon hostess for diplomats and politicians, busi- nesswoman, spy, and towards the end of her life as head of the Finn- ish national radio and a Member of the Finnish Parliament. During the period 1908–1923 she was married to the Social Democratic politician Sulo Wuolijoki. She aided diplomats and dissidents from both East and West; among the more famous was Bertolt Brecht, who found refuge at her mansion during the 1940s. She also acted as an intermediary in con- tacts between the Soviet ambassador in Stockholm, Alexandra Kollontai, and the Finnish government representatives, to enable peace negotia- tions during the Winter War and the Continuation War. She identified strongly with socialist ideology, wrote for the workers’ press and the work- ers’ theatre, agitated and lectured – Hella Wuolijoki undeniably lived a very political life. Her political adventures have preoccupied historians, and her literary writing and drama have been analysed by scholars of film and theatre.2 She is still one of the most frequently played drama- tists in Finnish theatres. This story about Wuolijoki starts in prison when she is nearly 60 years old and begins writing her autobiography. Although Wuolijoki was some- thing of a national celebrity in her lifetime and has attracted scholarly and popular attention, her autobiographies have not been studied. Yet, read as a combination of personal and political reflection, the autobiog- raphies give a unique insight into the life of a politically active woman. Furthermore, her perspective as not being of Finnish descent places her outside the internal factions in Finland, a position she willingly exploited in order to gain social leverage, which I will return to. The autobiography was published in three parts. The first two parts of her autobiography cover the years between 1901 and 1908, from child- hood, high school years in Tartu and St Petersburg, to university studies in Finland. Written in prison, they can be expected to have an urgency when it comes to the topic of self-fashioning, but the same agenda is pro- nounced in the later writings too. Part three covers the years 1908–1918, 12 Katarina Leppänen “only one world war and one revolution” and Wuolijoki’s way into busi- ness, politics, and radio (Haataja 35). Apart from the autobiographical works she produced eight plays during her imprisonment and a book on prison life. It is a reflection on freedom, captivity, and fellow inmates, not written in prison but apparently she memorized stories that could quickly be written and published once free (Tuomioja 297). Although, she had to abandon her usual modus operandi, which was to dictate her plays to a secretary.3 The impressive productivity was made possible​​ by a principle according to which prisoners were encouraged to continue their civil occupation while in prison; as an established author it was her job to write, and the books were swiftly published and republished in sev- eral editions in the coming years. AIM and THEORETICAL FRAME The purpose of this article is not to make a comprehensive analysis of Wuolijoki’s autobiographical writing, although no work of the kind exists to my knowledge. Instead, I want to focus on how her autobiographical texts, especially the three-part explicit autobiography, create the image of Hella Wuolijoki as a political woman. I therefore identify Wuolijoki’s autobiographies as political autobiog- raphy, not in the sense of written by a politician, but rather as a recount- ing of a life as always connected to contemporary political events. I am suggesting this definition for two reasons. I want to widen the definition – political autobiographies are usually thought of as written to empha- size the protagonist’s activities as a politician, politics being the prime determinant for their story being of general interest (Knudsen et al.). A perhaps slightly contradictory wish is to narrow the use of the term politi- cal. In much recent research, almost all aspects of life can be identified as political, especially regarding women’s entry into the public sphere.4 Therefore, I want to specify that my analysis of Wuolijoki will be con- ducted in relation to politics understood primarily as ideological stand- points (e.g. revolutions, independence movements) and institutionalized politics (e.g. parliamentary systems, established political parties), rather than general gender politics.

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