View metadata, citation and similar papers at core.ac.uk brought to you by CORE provided by Bradford Scholars University of Bradford eThesis This thesis is hosted in Bradford Scholars – The University of Bradford Open Access repository. Visit the repository for full metadata or to contact the repository team © University of Bradford. This work is licenced for reuse under a Creative Commons Licence. THE SOCIO-ECONOMIC LEGACY OF FRENCH COLONIALISM IN MOROCCO The lasting impact of the French protectorate on Moroccan trade, agriculture and education Aicha Alexandra BAHIJ Submitted for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy Division of Humanities School of Social and International Studies University of Bradford 2012 Aicha Alexandra BAHIJ THE SOCIO-ECONOMIC LEGACY OF FRENCH COLONIALISM IN MOROCCO Keywords Agriculture, Arabization, colonisation, economics education, France, identity, language, legacy Morocco. Abstract The purpose of this research is to examine the socio-economic legacies of the French Protectorate in Morocco and the attitude of modern-day Moroccans to that legacy, through a series of in-depth interviews with a wide range of people who lived through colonialism and came after it. I use these interviews alongside documents of the time and the findings of contemporary commentators to chart the establishment of the Protectorate’s social and economic policies in Morocco and how they destroyed the traditional infrastructure and cultural heritage of the country to replace them by a more ‘modern and civilised’ westernised system. I argue that, although some good did come from French colonialism in Morocco, these policies were not viable and so, when decolonisation came about, the country was unable to sustain itself and, therefore, had no choice but to continue to look to France both financially and educationally. Through highlighting how France transformed every aspect of Moroccan life to match that of la Métropole, this research shows why Moroccans find it so hard to shake off their colonial past, why they continue to use the French language in business, i politics and education and why, unless Morocco steps out of the shadow of its former occupier, and make its own way in the world, they feel it will never be truly independent. ii Acknowledgements It is, sadly, impossible to acknowledge here all who have helped me to complete this dissertation. There are, without doubt, those who deserve my thanks, but whom I have forgotten and then there are others who have shaken off their mortal coil before I finished. Firstly I would like to thank my parents, whose love, encouragement, patience and practical support has been unfailing. Also, to my dearest aunty Barbara, whose big heart and attention to detail is more valued than she could possibly know. I would like to thank immensely my primary supervisor, Dr Tim Green, whose guidance, wisdom and humour helped me through the many ups and downs that such a project inevitably faces; my secondary supervisor, Professor Munro Price, who brought me through my undergraduate years and helped me love history once again. I would like to thank those who gave generously of their time to examine this dissertation; Professor Tobias Hayes, whose bounteousness has been vital and to Dr. Andy Stafford and Dr. Kamal Salhi, who helped me see the bigger picture. I would like to thank all my friends; especially, Debs, Richard and the ‘C101 gang’ – they kept me sane and gave me much needed moments of relief and laughter. Also, to Ninja, for dragging me over the line – here’s to swimming deep. iii Finally, I would like to thank all the research interviewees who gave up their time to share their memories and life experiences. Without their help, this thesis would not have been possible. iv Contents Chapter One: Introduction 1 Chapter Two: Land Policy and Employment in Agriculture 34 Chapter Three: Agricultural Trade 73 Chapter Four: The Moroccan Economy after Independence 84 Chapter Five: Education under the Protectorate 111 Chapter Six: Education After Independence: Arabisation 148 Chapter Seven: The French Language and Cultural Expression 166 Chapter Eight: Summary and Conclusion. 201 Bibliography: 225 v Chapter One: Introduction 1:1 The Arab Spring 2011 saw spread across the Arab world, uprisings against autocratic regimes, the like of which has not been seen in the region since the end of European colonialism. And, much like that fight for independence, the so- called ‘Arab Spring’1 was born from decades of social hardship, lack of political participation and abuses of power. In an article for the American Journal Counterpunch, Reverend Jesse Jackson writes how the wave of protests shaking the Arab political regimes came about because of the despair felt by a vast body of educated people, unable to find employment and the uneducated masses who want to become educated. Their desire for change is a legitimate one and they need it from the bottom up: “What changed in the Arab Spring? In the fullness of time, people’s minds changed. 1 There are many political commentators who dislike the term ‘Arab Spring’. Ziya Meral writes how the changes in the region: “are not simply about Arabs, but include Turks, Iranians and a host of other ethnic groups and countries”. Moreover: “the language of spring assumes a linear process from worse to better. But we know that socio-political changes are not linear and, after spring might come winter”. Brian Whitaker of the Guardian also dislikes the term ‘Arab Spring’ as it: “implies something that arrives without anyone needing to do anything about it - I much prefer the term Arab Awakening”. Some, however, find this term patronising, as if the Arabs have been sleeping all these years, not feeling a thing. However, for the purposes of this thesis, ‘Arab Spring’ will be used, as it has become the most popular and widely understood term for this extraordinary period. See: Meral, Z. 2011. “Demystifying social media and the Arab Spring”, The Commentator, [online] Available at http://www.thecommentator.com/article/563/demystifying_social_media_and_the_arab_spring_ [Accessed 23 October, 2011] and Brian Whitaker quoted in Tisdall, S. 2011. “The aftermath of the Arab Spring", The Guardian, [online] Available at http://www.guardian.co.uk/commentisfree/2011/jul/06/arab-spring-aftermath [Accessed 9 October, 2011] 1 The insult level changed. The quest for dignity changed. And the outlet to tell their story changed”.2 The Arab Spring also made its way to Morocco, a little more quietly, but forcefully nonetheless. The February 20th youth movement – made up of a coalition of Moroccans from all political and social backgrounds – lead the call for change. Since February 2011, it has organised several demonstrations across fifty major cities and towns, drawing several hundred thousand protestors. In an article for The Guardian, Giles Tremlett, notes that while protests demanding political and social change in Morocco are nothing new (nor do they yet threaten the survival of the monarch) they do signal a major shift in popular attitudes towards the monopoly and abuses of power by the Makhzen, the: “wealthy and, often hated, power structure surrounding him [the king]”. It is this ruling elite whose: “fingers are in pies from the government to the big banks”.3 The response of the Moroccan monarch, King Mohamed VI, was swift and several reforms were implemented in the hope of appeasing his subjects, so 2 Jackson, J. Rev. 2011. “Irreversible Winds of Change: What Changed in the Arab Spring?” Counterpunch, [online] Available at http://www.counterpunch.org/2011/05/20/what-changed-in- the-arab-spring/ [Accessed 4 August, 2011]. This “outlet” to which Reverend Jackson refers is the internet and the myriad social networking sites that have allowed a more radical type of protest to spread. For those protesting against colonialism, it was modern transportation links allowing people to move from the country to the town more quickly, a new mass media in the form of newspapers and radio and, most importantly, as one research interviewee put it, the: “globalisation of a language” (Research Interview 1). By this, they meant the ability of the colonised to speak the language of the coloniser, so allowing the former to vent their grievances to the latter and the world beyond. 3 Tremlett, G. 2011. “King’s power in spotlight as desperate youth prepare to test Morocco’s claims to liberalism”. The Guardian, Friday 18 February, pp:23. 2 avoiding the revolutions that were flaring up across North Africa and the Middle East. However, for many of the protestors, these changes fell well short of their “legitimate demands”. According to Younes Abouyoub, lead organiser of Morocco Tomorrow and political analyst at Columbia University, the reforms have shown that the Makhzen is still: “locked in a logic of privileges and not of rights; a system of power based on vertical not horizontal legitimacy, which still perceives Moroccans as subjects, not citizens. Thus, the new constitution, as the social contract between the ruler and the ruled, states in Article 1 that the system of government in Morocco is a constitutional, democratic, parliamentary, and social Monarchy.” 4 This old institution of the Makhzen has been a part of the Moroccan framework since the first royal dynasty was founded by Idriss I in the eighth century.5 Although down the centuries, the Makhzen’s power and sovereignty fluctuated, it is still very much enshrined in contemporary political practice and the constitution, so blurring the boundaries between government, regime and state.6 It is these blurred boundaries against which those protesters in the Moroccan 4 Yet the word “citizen” is used throughout the Article to refer to the people of Morocco. But a citizen does not have a concrete physical existence, merely a legal one whereby he/she only exists in the realm of the law.