From Restrictions to Freedom The Perilous Path to the First Warsaw Autumn Festival CINDY BYLANDER Independent Scholar, Fort Collins, Colorado USA Email: [email protected] From Restrictions to Freedom The Perilous Path to the First Warsaw Autumn Festival Musicology Today • Vol. 14 • 2017 DOI: 10.1515/muso-2017-0004 ABSTRACT worthwhile to look again at the context in which they were operating, for the birth of this event did not occur The genesis of the Warsaw Autumn Festival was fraught with both in a vacuum nor did its relative success resolve all the potential and real complications. Musical life in Poland at the end of the first postwar decade was in a state of flux, if not turmoil, shortcomings apparent in Poland’s musical life. as ideological disagreements and material complications contributed to an atmosphere of dismay and distrust among musicians and authorities. This paper provides insight into the context in which the Festival’s SOCIALIST REALISM UNDER ATTACK organizers were operating, particularly the shortcomings of musical life in mid-decade that threatened to derail the Festival before it even began. The death of Stalin in March 1953 is often considered a defining moment in the evolution of socialist realist INTRODUCTION ideology as practiced in the Polish arts. However, the prevailing strictures of the socialist realist aesthetic in music were not relaxed uniformly or without The generally accepted history of the genesis of the consternation on the part of its advocates. Although Warsaw Autumn Festival acknowledges that an officially Włodzimierz Sokorski, the Minister of Culture and Arts, approved cultural thaw releasing artists from the harshest had alluded in late 1953 to past mistakes and, a few restrictions of socialist realism was underway in Poland in months later, to greater possibilities for creative freedom, the mid-1950s and that, simultaneously, Polish composers albeit still within the context of accessible works,2 wished to reunite with the contemporary musical world, such remarks were not interpreted by composers as an from which they had been separated during the Second enthusiastic endorsement of unlimited opportunities World War and again since approximately 1949. The in compositional style. Moreover, in the Composers government, for its part, was interested in publicizing the Union’s plans for 1955, ideological courses on Marxist achievements of Polish composers through a comparison aesthetics were still scheduled, indicating that a complete of contemporary music from both sides of the Iron break with previous constraints was either not foreseen Curtain. The experience gained by the Polish Composers’ or was considered a dubious target, even though the Union (hereafter ZKP) in organizing a Festival of Polish Warsaw Autumn Festival was also included in the union’s Music in 1955 was also thought to be of vital importance intended activities.3 as it faced the more challenging task of organizing an Nevertheless, composers had already begun to shift the international festival little over a year later.1 narrative of compositional evaluation from the socialist Yet the story is not that simple. Musical life in Poland realist rhetoric of formalism vs. realism to one of more at the end of the first postwar decade was in a state of legitimate artistic quality. At ZKP’s Executive Board flux, if not turmoil. Deficiencies in music education, meeting in December 1952, some composers, including dissatisfaction with the country’s orchestras and its Tadeusz Szeligowski and Witold Lutosławski, alluded to monopolistic radio and music publishing institutions, the low quality of many new compositions. At a similar unproductive attempts to publicize Polish music in meeting in 1953, derogatory comments related to other countries, insufficient knowledge about recent branding compositions as formalist, not normally voiced works written abroad, and struggles to translate shifting in such an official setting, were made during discussions ideological views to concrete actions all contributed to on national traditions in contemporary music.4 an atmosphere of distrust, frustration, and, in some cases, animosity among those who would be involved in either 2 The Polish Composers’ Union (hereafter ZKP) Akt 12/22, preparing or participating in the first Warsaw Autumn Protokół surowy obrad rozszerzonego Zarządu Głównego Festival. Although corrections to some of these issues Związku Kompozytorów Polskich – odbytego w Warszawie w were being considered in mid-decade, their prospects for dniach 16 i 17 grudnia 1953 [The Unamended Minutes of the success were debatable. While the Festival’s organizers Meeting of the Polish Composers’ Union’s Extended Managing th th worked as calmly and efficiently as possible, it is perhaps Board, held in Warsaw on 16 -17 December 1953]; ZKP Akt 12/7, VII Walny Zjazd (24, 25, 26.IV.1954 Wwa) [7th PCU General Assembly, 24th-26th April 1954, Warsaw], pp. 63-68. 1 See e.g. C. Bylander, (1989). The Warsaw Autumn ZKP Akt 12/22, Plan pracy Związku Kompozytorów Polskich International Festival of Contemporary Music 1956-1961: Its 3 na 1955 rok [The Polish Composers’ Union’s Work Schedule Goals, Structures, Programs and People. Ph.D. dissertation, for 1955]. The Ohio State University, pp. 89-93; L. Jakelski, (2017). Making Music in Cold War Poland. The Warsaw Autumn Festival 1956- 4 Ibid., Stenogram z zebrania rozszerzonego plenum Zarządu 1968. Berkeley: University of California Press, pp. 18-21. Głównego Z.K.P. w Poznaniu 11 grudnia 1952r.; and Porządek 92 From Restrictions to Freedom The Perilous Path to the First Warsaw Autumn Festival By 1954, some ZKP members felt even more a year while waiting for “further loosening of the screw,” comfortable expressing critical opinions, referring not or a more favorable atmosphere in which to release the only to the negative effects of socialist realism in music, work. At the same time, she asked the Party’s Cultural but also targeting colleagues whose opinions differed Department for “instructions” on how to behave at the from their own. Indeed, a combative atmosphere reigned upcoming Composers Union’s Executive Board meeting.7 at that year’s general conference, where a remarkable Lissa was, we should point out, one of the few ZKP onslaught of criticism was directed at musicologists, musicologists to attend its general conferences. As such, particularly the union’s most active proponent of socialist in 1955 she was forced to defend herself and her absent realism, Zofia Lissa. In rather scathing terms, Zbigniew colleagues against another diatribe, this time Kazimierz Turski castigated her alleged role in advising the Ministry Serocki’s strident critique of musicologists for, among other of Culture and Art (MKiS), through which she wielded things, their tendency to denounce composers’ “lack of some degree of authority in evaluating composers and ideological zeal” rather than promote contemporary Polish their works, while Piotr Perkowski described her as a compositions.8 Given Lissa’s esteemed stature prior to the dictator.5 Although others admonished Turski for his war, her acquaintances initially may have been reluctant lack of decorum, this willingness to contest the status to be overtly critical of her actions. However, as one of quo in an attempt to re-establish the center of power in the most vocal proponents of socialist realism in music ZKP away from those who supported socialist realism to composition, she had exposed herself to such retribution. those desiring to push more urgently for compositional At the same time, we should temper claims of harshness freedom and its corollary endeavors (for ex., contact on Lissa’s part by pointing to her cordial relations with with the West), was to be further explored over the next many of her colleagues as well as her abiding interests in few years, until this new approach became the union’s improving musical literacy in Poland, shown through her modus operandi. Such efforts played an integral role in work with radio, publishers, and education. According to establishing the Warsaw Autumn Festival, whose initial Mieczysław Tomaszewski, she also appreciated the music approval was granted this same year, 1954. of Schoenberg and Stravinsky, although she refrained The accusations directed at Lissa were not completely from admitting this publicly during this time, choosing exaggerated, for evidence exists that she was indeed instead to observe the socialist-realist line.9 providing reports to MKiS and, more frequently, to the Members of the Polish United Workers’ Party (PZPR) Cultural Department of the Party’s Central Committee who also belonged to ZKP (of which there were twelve from as early as 1950 until at least the end of 1955. These in 1954, including Lissa) also met separately with the were not personal letters between colleagues and friends, but summaries of her impressions of meetings with composers 7 Lissa claimed that other ZKP members and cultural officials sent to governmental agencies. For example, in her January (including Roman Jasiński, Stefania Łobaczewska, and Józef 1951 communiqué about a Young Composers meeting, she Chomiński) supported her allegation concerning Lutosławski’s blamed the older generations for their lack of commitment Symphony. Lutosławski stated that he worked on the Concerto to Marxist aesthetics and provided brief summaries of each for Orchestra from 1950 to August 1954; it was premiered in Warsaw 26 November 1954 and presented during the 1955 young composer’s ideological leaning and compositional Festival of Polish Music. Lissa had also published an analysis 6 promise. In November 1955, she described a “gloomy of the piece in Muzyka (1955), nos. 3-4, which indicates she picture” in which composers were returning to formalism had probably seen at least a substantial part of the score. Given in their compositions. She also falsely accused Lutosławski her usual care with such details, Lissa’s claim in November is of keeping his Concerto for Orchestra “in the drawer” for thus startling and apparently unjustified. W. Lutosławski, (2008). Zapiski, Z.