http://researchcommons.waikato.ac.nz/ Research Commons at the University of Waikato Copyright Statement: The digital copy of this thesis is protected by the Copyright Act 1994 (New Zealand). The thesis may be consulted by you, provided you comply with the provisions of the Act and the following conditions of use: Any use you make of these documents or images must be for research or private study purposes only, and you may not make them available to any other person. Authors control the copyright of their thesis. You will recognise the author’s right to be identified as the author of the thesis, and due acknowledgement will be made to the author where appropriate. You will obtain the author’s permission before publishing any material from the thesis. A New Form of Authoritarianism? Rethinking Military Politics in Post-1999 Nigeria A thesis submitted in fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in Political Science and Public Policy at The University of Waikato by IBIKUNLE EDWARD ADEAKIN 2015 Acknowledgements My gratitude and appreciation goes to my chief supervisor Professor Daniel Zirker whose insightful contributions and guidance made it possible for me to complete this thesis. I am also grateful to my other supervisor, Dr. Alan Simpson who took his time to read this work and offered his advice. I am grateful to the administrative support I got as a doctoral student from the programme administrator of political science and public policy, Frances Douch, to the subject librarian, Jillene Bydder, and other staff at the post-graduate office. I am also indebted to the military respondents who took time off their busy schedules (even at short notice) to grant interviews for my doctoral research. The staffers at the National Archive (University of Ibadan) were highly professional and need to be acknowledged as they assisted me in newspapers materials and official government documents during my field work. To my doctoral colleagues and friends, Graeme, Chandra, Anita, Ben, Gauri, Debrin, Nyamaaamaa, Melanie, Rebecca and Simon, it was wonderful knowing you all and the nice social interactions we had. Lastly, I cannot but be grateful to my immediate family, Tinuke, my wife, and my son, Oreoluwa, who at this period in his life is too young to understand the educational journey I had embarked on. The support by the Adeakin dynasty as usual, is impeccable, my dad, Folasayo, mum, Wuraola, sisters, Yemi, Bola, Solape and brother, Yewande. In addition, thanks go to my uncle, Olanibugbe and family, my mother-in-law, Dr. Sidikatu Ajayi, whose contacts within the military greatly helped me in locating the right respondents needed for my research. Above all, I thank the members of Waidrodro Assembly of God church (Pastors Mata, Taito and Rajesh you are awesome), and God Almighty, who spared my life and has made me witness the end of this educational journey. ii Abstract Despite the vast research that has been done on the Nigerian military, virtually all of these studies have failed to critically examine the accepted role of the military in the democratising phase. This is important because the relationship between the political elite and the military in post-military authoritarian states guarantees either democratic consolidation, or its reversal. In Nigeria, despite an appearance of significant progress in subordinating the military institution to democratic civilian authority, the military remains a crucial political actor in the polity. It appears that the military has yet to accept the core democratic principles of civilian oversight of the institution. This thesis, therefore, explores whether a new form of military authoritarianism is emerging in Nigeria, with the aim of understanding Nigeria’s military behaviour in a transitional phase, from prolonged military authoritarianism to democratisation. To examine this military behaviour, Alfred Stepan’s concept of military prerogatives that was used to understand the military’s behaviour in a transitional phase in Latin America is applied to Nigeria. A crucial understanding of authoritarianism in Nigeria is initially discussed in this study using mainly document analysis strategy to examine whether multi-ethnic states, such as Nigeria, tend to have authoritarian systems. Six hypotheses form the core analysis of this thesis: first, that the military has retained significant military prerogatives; second, that retired military officers are gaining influential political and economic positions; third, autonomous military involvement in human rights abuses since 1999; and fourth, that civilian government oversight remains weak, and facilitates military authoritarianism. These hypotheses are primarily analysed using the elite interview technique. During the first half of 2011, the author conducted field research where serving and retired military officers were interviewed. The fifth hypothesis is that the military has intervened in politics post-1999. The examination of this hypothesis relies primarily on key security-related media reports (mostly newspaper editorials) on the military after 1999. The examination of the final hypothesis, that increases in military expenditures might facilitate a new form of military authoritarianism, relies primarily on descriptive statistical analysis. In addition, this study collated relevant historical materials that relate to the military, utilising national archival collections. iii The empirical findings of this research did not identify a new form of military authoritarianism in Nigeria. The study, however, argues that the unrestricted institutional framework accorded the military has contributed significantly to authoritarian practices in the post-military era in Nigeria. This study discovered that there were similarities between the Brazilian and Nigerian militaries in regard to their military spending during their period in power. Both countries had lower defence budgets. Just as in Brazil, it appears that part of the reason the Nigerian military decided to relinquish power in 1999 had to do with its desire to gain a higher budget, something that was precluded in a military government struggling to retain a sense of legitimacy. The military needed a higher budget to modernise and re-professionalise its institution after more than a decade in power. This feature, which the Nigerian military shares with the Brazilian military, appears to justify the application to Nigeria of Alfred Stepan’s concept of military prerogatives. iv List of Abbreviations SSS State Security Services GOC General Officer Commanding MOD Ministry of Defence COAS Chief of Army Staff DMI Directorate of Military Intelligence NIA Nigeria Intelligence Agency DIA Defence Intelligence Agency NSO Nigerian Security Organisation SBS Special Bodyguard Services AG Action Group NPC Northern People’s Congress NCNC National Council of Nigeria and the Cameroons PDP People’s Democratic Party NEPU Northern Elements Progressive Union NNDP Nigerian National Democratic Party UMBC United Middle-Belt Congress OAU Organisation of African Unity ECOMOG Economic Community of West African States Monitoring Group ECOWAS Economic Community of West African States SMC Supreme Military Council UPN United Party of Nigeria NPN National Party of Nigeria NPP Nigerian People’s Party OPC Oduduwa People’s Congress ACF Arewa Consultative Forum AD Alliance for Democracy ING Interim National Government MEND Movement for the Emancipation of the Niger Delta v NDPVF Niger Delta People’s Volunteer Force AQIM al-Qaeda in the Islamic Maghreb MUJAO Movement for Oneness and Jihad in West Africa IMN Islamic Movement in Nigeria NYSC National Youth Service Corp CDCC Constitutional Debate Coordinating Committee NSA National Security Advisor PHCN Power Holding Company of Nigeria JTF Joint Task Force HRVIC Human Rights Violations Investigation Commission NADECO National Democratic Coalition CD Campaign for Democracy MOSOP Movement for the Survival of the Ogoni People NUPENG Nigerian Union of Petroleum and National Gas Workers PENGASSAN Petroleum and Natural Gas Senior Staff Association of Nigeria FCT Federal Capital Territory ICJ International Court of Justice DICON Defence Industries Corporation of Nigeria SIPRI Stockholm International Peace Research Institute IISS International Institute for Strategic Studies FOI Freedom of Information UPGA United Progressive Grand Alliance NNA Nigeria National Alliance vi Table of Contents Acknowledgements ............................................................................................................. ii Abstract .............................................................................................................................. iii List of Abbreviations .......................................................................................................... v Table of Contents .............................................................................................................. vii List of Tables ..................................................................................................................... ix List of Figures .................................................................................................................... ix Map ..................................................................................................................................... x Chapter One ........................................................................................................................ 1 Background to the