_________________________________________________________________________Swansea University E-Theses Crime and unemployment in South Wales: The disclosure of an inter and post -war debate. Rauter, Gary How to cite: _________________________________________________________________________ Rauter, Gary (2002) Crime and unemployment in South Wales: The disclosure of an inter and post -war debate.. thesis, Swansea University. http://cronfa.swan.ac.uk/Record/cronfa42709 Use policy: _________________________________________________________________________ This item is brought to you by Swansea University. Any person downloading material is agreeing to abide by the terms of the repository licence: copies of full text items may be used or reproduced in any format or medium, without prior permission for personal research or study, educational or non-commercial purposes only. The copyright for any work remains with the original author unless otherwise specified. The full-text must not be sold in any format or medium without the formal permission of the copyright holder. Permission for multiple reproductions should be obtained from the original author. Authors are personally responsible for adhering to copyright and publisher restrictions when uploading content to the repository. Please link to the metadata record in the Swansea University repository, Cronfa (link given in the citation reference above.) http://www.swansea.ac.uk/library/researchsupport/ris-support/ Crime and Unemployment in South Wales: The Disclosure of an Inter and Post-War Debate Gary Rauter BSc.(Econ.)Hons. (Wales) A thesis submitted to the University of Wales in candidature for the degree of Master of Philosophy, November, 2002 ProQuest Number: 10807478 All rights reserved INFORMATION TO ALL USERS The quality of this reproduction is dependent upon the quality of the copy submitted. In the unlikely event that the author did not send a com plete manuscript and there are missing pages, these will be noted. Also, if material had to be removed, a note will indicate the deletion. uest ProQuest 10807478 Published by ProQuest LLC(2018). Copyright of the Dissertation is held by the Author. All rights reserved. This work is protected against unauthorized copying under Title 17, United States C ode Microform Edition © ProQuest LLC. ProQuest LLC. 789 East Eisenhower Parkway P.O. Box 1346 Ann Arbor, Ml 48106- 1346 l ib r a r y Declaration This work has not been previously accepted in substance for any degree and is not being concurrently submitted in candidature for any degree. Signed (Candidate) Date / Statement One This thesis is the result of my own investigations, except where otherwise stated. Other sources are acknowledged by endnotes giving explicit references. A bibliography is appended. Signed (Candidate) Date Statement Two I hereby give consent for my thesis, if accepted, to be available for photocopying and inter-library loan and, for the title and summary to be made available to outside organisations. Signed (Candidiate) Date Department of History, University of Wales Swansea Abstract and Methodology The purpose of this thesis is to examine the debate on the relationship between crime and unemployment. Throughout, the point of focus is specifically on how the link between crime and social deprivation was made in two, short and separate moments in time: broadly, 1929/31 and 1989/91. The research aims to uncover the nature of this debate from a comparative viewpoint within the general context of South Wales, traditionally an industrial region comprising a rich tapestry of communities from Monmouth in the east to Carmarthen in the west. Inevitably the debate moves beyond the borders of Wales, consequent of the fact that statistical and other sources frequently refer to the wider picture: references to ’England and Wales1 as opposed to ’Wales1 or ’South Wales’ being commonplace. However, this is not an attempt at a definitive history. Rather, it is a contribution to a debate on issues already explored in various ways and through the medium of a number of different disciplines. I have deliberately cited contemporary source material in the exact words of the commentator or observer in order to preserve and communicate the authentic tone and voice of the debate. The problem of crime remains one of the most potent concerns to permeate British social life. At times, it has been especially topical: the inter and post-war periods being a classic example of this in so far as it was debated within the context of mass unemployment and poverty. Often, too, the debate has assimilated the quest for understanding and reasoning. As Labour's Home Office Minister, Mike O'Brien, pointed out in September 2000: I used to work as a lawyer and a lot of people I saw passing through the Courts came back after re-offending. Many of them were there because they had lost their jobs or their homes, some of them were drug addicts and others had suffered marriage break-up while in prison. We are tough on crime but we also want to be tough on the causes.1 Others, such as Labour's sometime Home Secretary, Jack Straw, accept that the problem of crime is complex, misunderstood and far from being 'cracked' - even at times when official figures for unemployment and offences against property are relatively low. He commented that: Crime is still far too high in this country. We are not complacent. We know more needs to be done.2 1 The Times, 4 September, 2000 2 The Times, 17 October, 2000 Rarely, it seems, are newspapers devoid of articles referring to the exploits of offenders or the repurcussions for their victims. From Trevolving door syndrome* (repeat offending) through to 'zero tolerance', the cycle of offending and the reasons underpinning it remains a constant, albeit resilient source of complaint. Given that we are examining two specific moments in time, it has to be said that in the inter-war period, society was much more clearly understood. There was a distinct sense of community. Society operated within clearly understood boundaries. It was also a hierarchical society where different social 'agencies' played distinct roles. These agencies, such as the police, unions, government, local authorities, prisons and clerics, had conspicuous responsibilities: it was a very distinctive, industrial society. However, this was a period that, apart from the presence of political struggle and protest, will always be remembered for mass unemployment - a phenomenon that was to threaten social normality. In essence, chapters two and three highlight the incidence of crime across a broad range of categories - from begging and shoplifting through to burglary and robbery. Elucidated, is the degree to which the sense of community was strained across a region that appeared to condone certain crimes and condemn others. In essence, it is the reaction of these agencies and various commentators that we explore here, with the main lines of argument illustrating how the link between social deprivation and crime was made; in other words, how crime and unemployment was actually debated. The findings disclose a worrying level of offences against property, a deep concern about delinquency by juveniles, the advent of crime prevention measures and a clear contempt for law and order. By no means were these safe, law-abiding times. The South Wales of the late Eighties and early Nineties was very different compared to the inter-war years. To a degree it was a society less politicised, less community oriented and much more confused by the erosion of the Welfare State and the activities of a disenchanted youth. There is also little sense of hierarchy in a region characterised by disparate, albeit desperate, communities obsessed by mass consumerism. There are acute social problems - especially on the estates; contempt for the law is common; religion has little influence in people's lives; there is a discernible underclass and a high level of crime-fear. Moreover, politics appears not to provide a solution. This society is no longer industrialised but de­ industrialised, particularly in the aftermath of mass pit closures following the Miners' Strike of the mid-Eighties. iv In chapters four and five, crime and unemployment are examined against the backcloth outlined above. What transpires is a re-emergence of an ihtense debate on crime and unemployment. Whilst social normality is once again under threat as a result of a recession and mass unemployment, the debate has become something of a political sabre; each political party using ideology to either attack or support the Government of the day. However, as for the inter-war years, there are clear statistical correlations supporting a consensus view that unemployment initiates a particular pattern of offending. There are distinct similarities relating to the types of offences being committed. Also, 'new1 crimes such as vandalism and drugs emerge. Nevertheless, and with that in mind, the debate in this period has become much more complex: the corollary of greater understanding of issues relating to the aetiology of offending behaviour. Furthermore, whilst agencies in the inter-war period had specific roles and a degree of power, these have now become diluted and relatively powerless. The police, for instance, are seen more as social workers forced to patrol the new 'mass landscapes', essentially, the 'no-go' areas of estates characterised by acute long-term unemployment and lawlessness. Arising naturally from the research, issues relating to fear, punishment and policing emerge. Generally,