Restoring US Power Projection Capabilities

Restoring US Power Projection Capabilities

Perspective C O R P O R A T I O N Expert insights on a timely policy issue July 2018 Restoring U.S. Power Projection Capabilities Responding to the 2018 National Defense Strategy David Ochmanek .S. defense strategy and forces today could be at some- postures that can improve the ability of the United States to deter thing of an inflection point. The National Defense and defeat large-scale aggression by the most-threatening adversary UStrategy promulgated by the Trump administration in states. But even the $165 billion in additional money that would early 2018, and the largely positive reception that it has be added to DoD’s topline in the coming two years will not be suf- enjoyed, signals the emergence of a recognition that the capabili- ficient to fund every worthy claimant on DoD’s resources.2 Choices ties of U.S. military forces have been eroding vis-à-vis those of will have to be made if future U.S. forces are to meet the opera- key adversaries, especially China and Russia.1 As a consequence, tional challenges confronting them. the United States’ ability to deter aggression and intimidation, to This Perspective is intended to help inform those choices. It assure allies, and to influence events in East Asia and Europe is addresses four aspects of the problem: being undermined. Unless steps are taken to reverse these trends, • What are the most important military challenges facing the United States could find itself playing a greatly diminished role U.S. forces today and in the future? internationally, irrespective of the strategies and intentions of this • What sort of armed force is appropriate for the United administration or its successors. States, and why? The passage by Congress of a two-year budget agreement • How and in what ways do U.S. forces today fall short of for fiscal years (FYs) 2019 and 2020 that substantially increases that standard? funding for the U.S. Department of Defense (DoD) opens up the • What sorts of measures are called for to fix the problem, possibility of making investments in new capabilities and regional and how feasible is it to implement these? Underwriting a Strategy of Leadership from terrorist threats, to limit the proliferation of weapons of In the aftermath of World War II, a broad consensus emerged mass destruction, to ensure adherence to fair trade practices, or to among Americans that the nation could no longer accept the risks protect the environment, real progress will require the participa- of a strategy that eschewed engagement in the security affairs of tion and support of a broad range of international actors. No state, key parts of Eurasia. History’s most destructive conflict showed no matter how powerful, can achieve these objectives unilaterally. that the security and well-being of Americans could only be assured Given the continued global diffusion of knowledge, technol- through active engagement abroad and that a priority goal of that ogy, wealth, and other instruments of agency, and the increasing engagement had to be to ensure that no powerful hegemon gained connectedness of the global economy, this reality is not going to dominance over the Eurasian landmass.3 With the adoption by the change. It is not unreasonable, then, to expect that U.S. national Soviet Union of a hostile, militarized, and expansionist approach security strategy will continue to be animated by the realiza- to international relations, implementing this strategy led to the tion that no realistic alternative to international engagement and adoption by Washington of a strategy of containment by means of leadership exists, rhetoric touting an “America first” approach a U.S.-led Western alliance. That strategy featured the forward sta- notwithstanding.4 tioning of upward of 500,000 U.S. military personnel abroad. Over Under these circumstances, what sort of armed forces should time, the U.S. military alliances with the industrialized democra- the United States have? The first strategic priority should be to cies evolved into a dense web of relationships that encompassed maintain peace and stability in regions where the nation has impor- political, economic, technological, and cultural dimensions. tant interests and alliance commitments that are under stress: East That strategy of engagement and leadership survived the Asia and Europe. This means that the first military priority is to collapse of the Soviet Union and the end of the Cold War. By the ensure the viability of key alliances and to prevent any state with early 1990s, it was widely recognized that, in an increasingly inter- interests hostile to those of the United States and its allies from dependent world, Americans could not hope to achieve security gaining a position of overwhelming dominance in those regions.5 and prosperity at home without the ability to influence actors and In practical terms, this means today that U.S. forces must be pos- shape events abroad. Whether the goal is to protect Americans tured to deter aggression by China, Russia, and North Korea and, Whether the goal is to protect Americans from terrorist threats, to limit the proliferation of weapons of mass destruction, to ensure adherence to fair trade practices, or to protect the environment, real progress will require the participation and support of a broad range of international actors. 2 in conjunction with allies and partners, to defeat such aggression should deterrence fail.6 At present and for the foreseeable future, In addition to deterring and defeating large-scale aggression by the United States alone has the military state adversaries, U.S. forces must also continue, for the indefinite wherewithal to project large-scale military future, their campaign against violent extremist organizations, such forces over intercontinental distances and as ISIS and al Qaeda, that have the potential to attack U.S. citizens or to destabilize countries or regions of importance to U.S. inter- conduct sustained military operations across ests. As the fight to date against terrorist groups shows, long-term a broad range of mission sets. success depends on keeping the group’s leaders and networks under unrelenting pressure and building the capabilities of local forces forces over intercontinental distances and conduct sustained military and governments. Much of the campaign against such groups operations across a broad range of mission sets. This capability is will involve financial, intelligence, diplomatic, and informational essential in order to offset major imbalances in military power and instruments. But the U.S. armed forces play crucial roles in train- to sustain the United States’ role as the security partner of choice ing, advising, and assisting partner governments in countering for like-minded states. Without it, the credibility of the U.S. deter- terrorists and in conducting direct attacks, when appropriate. U.S. rent and of U.S. alliance commitments would erode, as would U.S. special operations forces play a leading role here, but they often power and influence. require transportation, logistics, and other types of support from the general-purpose forces. Unfavorable Trends Finally, U.S. forces are called upon to protect the United States In the post–Cold War period, the ability of U.S. forces, in conjunc- itself from attack. Under normal circumstances, this means keep- tion with allies, to defeat aggression by the forces of its regional ing the national missile defense system and elements of the strategic adversaries—states such as Iraq, Serbia, and Libya—was unques- nuclear forces on alert, being prepared to intercept airborne threats tioned. U.S. and allied forces repeatedly demonstrated that, in from hostile powers or terrorists, and assisting the Department of conflicts against these adversaries, they could quickly seize the Homeland Security in monitoring the nation’s borders. initiative; dominate military operations in the air, at sea, on land, This is a very demanding set of missions. Fighting and win- in space, and in cyberspace; and achieve their campaign objectives ning major wars on the territory of distant countries or in their swiftly. This military dominance yielded strategic benefits, not only “backyards” is particularly daunting, but this is what the bulk of helping to deter challenges to the U.S.-led global order, but also America’s armed forces have been trained and equipped to do since serving as the “glue” that held together coalitions of like-minded World War II. At present and for the foreseeable future, the United States alone has the military wherewithal to project large-scale military 3 counter violent extremist groups elsewhere that are deemed to pose Both China and Russia are investing heavily threats to citizens of the United States and of its allies. The ensuing in conventionally armed, precision-guided operations have been a drain on attention, money, and patience at ballistic and cruise missiles that have a time when economic constraints have limited defense spending. Training for large-scale power projection operations against highly sufficient accuracy to destroy even hardened capable adversaries has also suffered. As one result, the armed forces facilities. of the United States today, like those of many of its allies, are faced with fleets of aging platforms, the need to rebuild training and readi- states that promoted common action on a wide range of interna- ness for high-end combat operations, and inadequate funding for the tional issues. types of modern weapons and systems needed to meet the challenges Unfortunately, the era of unquestioned U.S. military superior- posed by their most capable adversaries.8 ity has not persisted. A variety of factors are responsible for this. China and Russia pose the most far-reaching challenges. First, the vision proffered by the United States and other demo- Both have invested heavily in capabilities intended to disrupt U.S.

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