Notes Introduction 1. Rowley also stressed the poor ethical and moral preparation of the priests and missionaries in Portuguese Africa. Henry Rowley, Africa Unveiled (London: SPCK, 1876), 75; also cited in James Duffy, A Question of Slavery (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1967), 112–113. 2. This book is a revised and augmented version of Livros Brancos, Almas Negras (Lisbon: Imprensa de Ciências Sociais, 2010), which was based on an MA thesis entitled Miguel Bandeira Jerónimo, Livros Brancos, Almas Negras. O Colonialismo Português: Programas e Discursos (1880–1930) (Lisbon: MA Thesis, Faculdade de Ciências Sociais e Humanas da Universidade Nova de Lisboa, 2000). 3. For assessments of other imperial formations see Alice Conklin, A Mission to Civilize (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1997); Catherine Hall, Civilising Subjects (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2002); Harald Fischer-Tiné and Michael Mann (eds), Colonialism as Civilizing Mission (London: Anthem Press, 2004); Dino Costantini, Mission Civilisatrice (Paris: La Découverte, 2008). 4. For the development of this argument see Miguel Bandeira Jerónimo, ‘The “Civilization Guild”: Race and Labour in the Third Portuguese Empire c.1870–1930’, in Francisco Bethencourt and Adrian Pearce, eds, Racism and Ethnic Relations in the Portuguese Speaking Worldd (Oxford: Oxford University Press/British Academy, 2012), pp. 173–199. 5. For the notion of politics of difference see Frederick Cooper and Jane Burbank, Empires in world history (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 2010), 11–13. For one example of an approach based on the ethical argu- ment and its relation to the problem of labour see Neta Crawford, Argument and Change in World Politics (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2002), 159–200. 6. Miguel Bandeira Jerónimo and José Pedro Monteiro, ‘Das “dificuldades de levar os indígenas a trabalhar”: o “sistema” de trabalho nativo no império colonial português’, in Miguel Bandeira Jerónimo, ed., O Império Colonial em Questão (Lisbon: Edições 70, Colecção História&Sociedade, 2012), 159–196; idem, ‘Internationalism and the labours of the Portuguese colonial empire (1945–1974)’, Portuguese Studies, vol. 29, no. 2 (2013), 142–163. For the con- nection between the problem of labour and decolonisation see the classic work by Frederick Cooper, Decolonization and African Society (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1996). 7. This study does not offer an in-depth investigation of the local realities and dynamics of native labour, which is a crucial analytical approach to many of the themes explored in this book. Unfortunately, it continues to be an understudied aspect, especially for the period in question. For some recent works, although essentially for a later period, see Alexander Keese, ‘Searching 199 200 Notes for the reluctant hands: obsession, ambivalence, and the practice of organiz- ing involuntary labour in colonial Cuanza-Sul and Malange districts, Angola, 1926–1945’, Journal of Imperial and Commonwealth History, vol. 41, no. 2 (2013), 238–258; Jeremy Ball, ‘Colossal lie’ (Los Angeles: PhD diss., University of California, 2003); Philip Havik, ‘Estradas sem fim: o trabalho forçado e a “política indígena”’, in AAVV, Trabalho Forçado Africano–Experiências Coloniais Comparadas (Porto: Campo das Letras, 2006), pp. 229–247; Douglas Wheeler, ‘The Forced Labor “System” in Angola, 1903–1947’, in AAVV, Trabalho Forçado Africano–Experiências Coloniais Comparadas (Porto: Campo das Letras, 2006), 367–393; Todd Cleveland, Rock Solid (Minneapolis: PhD diss., University of Minnesota, 2008); Eric Allina, Slavery by Other Name (Charlottesville: University of Virginia Press, 2012). 8. Frederick Cooper, ‘Conditions Analogous to Slavery: Imperialism and Free Labor Ideology in Africa’, in Frederick Cooper, Thomas C. Holt and Rebecca J. Scott, (eds), Beyond Slavery (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 2000), 107–149. 9. For the ‘standards’ of civilisation see Gerrit W. Gong, The Standard of ‘Civilization’ in International Societyy (Oxford: Clarendon Press: 1984); Martti Koskenniemi, The Gentle Civilizer of Nations (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2002), esp. pp. 98–178; Antony Anghie, Imperialism, Sovereignty and the Making of International Laww (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2007), esp. pp. 32–114. 10. For a recent overview see Jonathan Derrick, Africa’s ‘Agitators’ (London: Hurst, 2008). 11. For the overall argument see Jerónimo, ‘The “Civilization Guild”’. 12. Kevin Grant, A Civilized Savagery (New York: Routledge, 2005), especially pp. 109–134. 13. For classic assessments see, for instance, Catherine Coquery-Vidrovitch, L Congo au temps des grandes compagnies concessionnaires, 1898–1930 (Paris: Mouton, 1972); Charles Van Onselen, Chibaro (London: Pluto Press, 1980); Babacar Fall, Le travail forcé en Afrique-Occidentale française 1900–1946 (Paris: Karthala Editions, 1993). 14. Since the conclusion, in 2000, of the MA thesis that originated this work – Livros Brancos, Almas Negras. O Colonialismo Português: Programas e Discursos (1880–1930) – some important books have appeared on this subject. Apart from Grant’s A Civilized Savagery’s chapterr, see Lowell J. Satre, Chocolate on Trial (Athens OH: Ohio University Press, 2005); Catherine Higgs, Chocolate Islands (Athens OH: Ohio University Press, 2012). 15. Jeffrey Herbst, States and Power in Africa (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 2000), 3, 11–15, 21–28, 85; Crawford Young, The African Colonial State in Comparative Perspective (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1994), 118–122. For a comparative study see Colin Newbury, Patrons, Clients, and Empire (New York: Oxford University Press, 2003). See also Miguel Bandeira Jerónimo, ‘The States of empire’, in Luís Trindade, ed., The Making of Modern Portugal (Newcastle-upon-Tyne: Cambridge Scholars Publishing, 2013), pp. 65–101. 16. See the classic by Margaret Keck and Kathryn Sikkink, Activists Beyond Borders (Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 1998). 17. For an important study of these interrelations and processes see Andrew Zimmerman, Alabama in Africa (Princeton: Princeton University Press, Notes 201 2010). See also Ulrike Lindner, ‘The transfer of European social policy concepts to tropical Africa, 1900–1950: the example of maternal and child welfare’, Journal of Global History, vol. 9 (2014), 208–231. 18. Frederick Cooper, ‘Modernizing Bureaucrats, Backward Africans, and the Development Concept’, in Frederick Cooper and Randall Packard (eds), International Development and the Social Sciences (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1997), pp. 64–92, at p. 64. 19. With few exceptions, the analysis of the country’s national and imperial history is still marked by this type of approach. The same happens with the traditional historiography of its international relations. For an analysis of this question in social theory and sociology see Daniel Chernilo, A Social Theory of the Nation State (London, Routledge, 2007). 20. This was a major concern in my 2000 MA dissertation. This is also a major goal of the research project Internationalism and Empire: The Politics of Difference in the Portuguese Colonial Empire in Comparative Perspective (1920–1975) (FCT-PTDC/EPH-HIS/5176/2012). For the League and the impe- rial and colonial phenomena see, for instance, Mark Mazower, Governing the World (London: Allen Lane, 2012), 116–190 and ‘An international civiliza- tion? empire, internationalism and the crisis of the mid-twentieth century’, International Affairs, vol. 82, no. 3 (2006), 553–566; Susan Pedersen, ‘Back to the league of nations’, The American Historical Review, vol. 112, no. 4 (2007), 1091–1117. See also Miguel Bandeira Jerónimo and José Pedro Monteiro (eds), Os passados do presente (Lisbon: Almedina, 2014). 21. See, for instance, Crawford, Argument and Change; Veronique Dimier, ‘On Good Colonial Government: Lessons from the League of Nations,’ Global Society, vol. 18, no. 3 (2004), 279–299. 1 Between Benevolence and Inevitability: The ‘Civilising Mission’ of Portuguese Colonialism 1. Marcelo Caetano, Portugal e a Internacionalização dos Problemas Africanos (Lisboa: Edições Ática, 1965), 145. For the protocols and the confer- ence’s closing declaration, see Conférence Internationale de Bruxelles (Paris: Imprimerie Nationale, 1891). 2. The best collective study of the Berlin Conference and its importance for European colonial and imperial history is still Stig Förster, Wolfgang J. Mommsen and Ronald Robinson (eds), Bismarck, Europe, and Africa (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1988). The best study of the diplomatic manoeuvres immediately before, during and after the Berlin meeting is Sybil Eyre Crowe, The Berlin West African Conference, 1884–1885 (London: Longmans, Green & Co., 1942). For more on the Portuguese involvement and the Congo ques- tion, see Miguel Bandeira Jerónimo, A Diplomacia do Império (Lisbon: Edições 70, 2012), 238–302 (revised and augmented version of ‘Religion, Empire, and the Diplomacy of Colonialism: Portugal, Europe, and the Congo Question, c. 1820–1890’ (London: PhD thesis, King’s College London, 2008)); F. Latour da Veiga Pinto, Le Portugal et le Congo au XIXe siècle (Paris: Presses Universitaires de France, 1972), 246–293. 3. Caetano, Portugal e a Internacionalização, 97–98. 202 Notes 4. For example, it was only in 1887 that the Portuguese colonial administra- tion proceeded to the topographical delimitation of its effective sovereignty over Angola. For more on this, see Guilherme Brito Capelo, ‘Relatorio do governador-geral