Analysis CMAJ

Analysis CMAJ

van-rachlis_Layout 1 01/09/10 10:39 AM Page 1440 Analysis CMAJ Vancouver’s supervised injection facility challenges Canada’s drug laws Kathleen Dooling MD MPH, Michael Rachlis MD LLD Previously published at www.cmaj.ca arm reduction for injection drug users started with Key points community-based programs to provide clean nee- dles and has grown to include supervised injection • Research suggests that medically supervised injection of illicit H drugs reduces needle-sharing and deaths from overdose and facilities. Such services have existed for several years in improves public order and uptake of addiction treatment. Australia and Europe.1 In 2003, North America’s first sanc- • Two courts in the province of British Columbia have tioned supervised injection facility, Insite, was opened in the upheld the constitutional legality of supervised injection at Downtown Eastside of Vancouver, British Columbia. To Vancouver’s Insite facility. permit the facility to open, the then Canadian Liberal gov- • The federal government remains politically opposed to Insite ernment exempted Insite from some provisions of the Con- and is appealing the case to the Supreme Court of Canada. trolled Drugs and Substances Act relating to trafficking. In 2006, a Conservative government was elected. It elimi- nated harm reduction as a pillar of Canada’s antidrug policy and Ninety percent of the deaths were associated with heroin, two- began to threaten Insite with suspension of the federal exemp- thirds of the time in combination with alcohol and other drugs. tion. In this article, we examine the role of scientific evidence By 1993, use of illicit drugs was the leading cause of death in and how a clash of values about harm reduction eventually led to British Columbia among men and women aged 15–44 years.6 two courts in the province of British Columbia to decide in This epidemic of overdose-related deaths prompted the favour of Insite and possibly other controversial forms of harm creation of a task force led by the province’s then chief coro- reduction, such as supervised inhalation. The federal government ner Vincent Cain. Cain’s report called on government to pur- is appealing the case to the Supreme Court of Canada. sue a course of legalization and decriminalization as part of an overall antidrug strategy.6 Why Vancouver? While the chief coroner’s report garnered attention in gov- ernment, the residents of the Downtown Eastside were orga- Addiction problems in Vancouver’s Downtown Eastside date nizing in the streets. In 1997, the Vancouver Area of Network back to the early days of logging in the city, when the neigh- Drug Users was formed to advocate for drug users.7 Its vision bourhood around East Hastings Street became a refuge for included a supervised injection facility. unemployed men.2 Single men who could no longer work In September 1997, Dr. John Blatherwick, then chief med- were drawn in by the neighbourhood’s cheap housing and ical health officer of Vancouver, declared a public health cheap liquor. In the 1960s, heroin and later crack cocaine emergency in the Downtown Eastside.8 At that time, over- joined alcohol as common substances of abuse. The commer- dose-related deaths were increasing after a temporary dip, but cial base of the Downtown Eastside relocated.3 The housing HIV infection rates were actually decreasing (Figures 1 and that remained was predominantly single-room occupancy 2). In 1998, Dr. John Millar, the then provincial health officer hotels that offered communal toilet facilities and little in the for British Columbia, tabled a report that called for imple- way of facilities for cooking or food preparation. mentation of widespread harm reduction initiatives.9 By this Other factors have also contributed to Vancouver’s con- time, the Vancouver Health Authority was contributing finan- centration of people with addictions. A disproportionate num- cially to the Vancouver Area of Network Drug Users, the ber of residents are Aboriginal people,4 many reeling from Portland Hotel Society and a number of other community unhappy lives on unhealthy reserves. The city’s relatively agencies. The harm reduction coalition had been born.10 warm climate has attracted many people with addictions from The harm reduction coalition grew to include housing other provinces.4 Finally, Vancouver is a major Pacific port, organizations, community service agencies, academics, jour- through which substantial quantities of illicit drugs pass.5 nalists and some law enforcement officers. A bereaved par- ents group, “From Grief to Action,” was particularly effective The formation of coalitions Kathleen Dooling is Associate Medical Officer of Health, Peel Public Health, Deaths from illicit drug use surged from 39 in 1988 to 357 in Peel, Ont. Michael Rachlis is an associate professor at the Dalla Lana School 1993 (Figure 1).6 More than half of the deaths were in Van- of Public Health, University of Toronto, Toronto, Ont. DOI:10.1503/cmaj.100032 couver, which had less than 14% of the province’s population. CMAJ 2010. DOI:10.1503/cmaj.100032 1440 CMAJ•SEPTEMBER 21, 2010 • 182(13) © 2010 Canadian Medical Association or its licensors van-rachlis_Layout 1 01/09/10 10:39 AM Page 1441 Analysis at highlighting that deaths were occurring across socio- Royal Canadian Mounted Police (RCMP), was vehemently economic classes.10 In 1999, Da Vinci’s Inquest, a popular opposed. The business/police coalition organized a confer- television series, served to further familiarize Canadians with ence to challenge the tenets of harm reduction.10 Supporters of the situation in the Downtown Eastside. The award-winning harm reduction were not well represented, and thus no mean- Canadian Broadcast Corporation production featured gruff ingful forum existed for open debate. Dominic Da Vinci as an ex narcotics cop turned Vancouver By 2002, the political landscape in Vancouver had funda- coroner who regularly dealt with preventable deaths on the mentally changed. Larry Campbell, the real-life model for the drug-plagued streets of the Downtown Eastside. fictional crusading coroner Dominic Da Vinci, was elected In March 2000, the “Keeping the Doors Open” conference mayor, with supervised injection a key part of his platform. brought together politicians, academics, community members Family members of addicts had attached a human face to and law enforcement officials to discuss innovative ap - addiction. In June 2003, the federal government granted per- proaches to harm reduction and served to cement connections mission to the Vancouver Coastal Health Authority, under between diverse groups that favoured harm reduction.10 Few Section 56 of the Controlled Drugs and Substances Act, to opponents of harm reduction were in attendance. operate and evaluate a medically supervised injection facility. In September 2000, the federal, provincial and municipal In September 2003, the Insite facility opened and was operat- governments signed the Vancouver Agreement, which com- ing near capacity within weeks. mitted the signatories to work together toward urban renewal in Vancouver. The Vancouver Agreement identified harm Insite’s effectiveness reduction as one of four pillars of its antidrug strategy (the others were prevention, treatment/rehabilitation and enforce- The objectives of Insite were clear: increase access to health ment.).3 In November 2000, the ruling Liberal party was re- care and addiction services, reduce overdose-related deaths, elected as the Canadian federal government, allowing them to reduce transmission of blood-borne viral infections and other follow through on the newly inked agreement. injection-related infections, and improve public order.12 The government had strong internal support for its position The British Columbia Centre for Excellence in HIV/AIDS from four physician caucus members, two of whom were cab- was commissioned to evaluate Insite. A study published in inet ministers during Insite’s development and implementa- 2006 showed that there was an increase in uptake of detoxifi- tion. There was also strong support for Insite across the politi- cation services and addiction treatment.13 Another study pub- cal spectrum in Vancouver and British Columbia.11 lished that year showed that Insite did not result in increased Harm reduction was not without opponents. In August relapse among former drug users, nor was it a negative influ- 2000, the Community Alliance, comprised of local business ence on those seeking to stop drug use.14 Results of studies and property owners in downtown Vancouver, voiced their using mathematical modelling showed that about one death opposition to all forms of harm reduction.10 Not all members from overdose was averted per year by Insite.1 A subsequent of the Vancouver police department were supportive of a study estimated 2–12 deaths averted per year.15 Although these supervised injection site, and the federal police force, the studies did not have sufficient power to detect any difference in incidence of blood-borne infections, Kerr and colleagues did find that Insite users were 300 70% less likely to report needle-sharing than those who did not use the facility.16 Before the Vancouver 250 Rest of British opening of Insite, those same individuals Columbia reported needle-sharing that was on par with cohort averages. As for public order, Wood 200 and colleagues found that there was no in - crease in crime following the opening of the facility.17 In fact, there had been statistically 150 significant decreases in vehicle break-ins and theft, as well as decreases in injecting in pub- 17,18 No. of deaths No. of deaths 100 lic places and injection-related litter. In 2008, an economic analysis by Bay- oumi and Zaric concluded that Insite pro- 50 vided incremental benefits beyond more traditional harm programs such as needle 0 exchange.19 The investigators considered 1988 1990 1992 1994 1996 1998 2000 2002 2004 Insite’s impact on needle-sharing behaviour, safe injection practices and increased referral to methadone maintenance treatment and Figure 1: Deaths from the use of illegal drugs in the city of Vancouver and in the concluded that there were incremental net rest of the province of British Columbia, 1988–2005.

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