Lund University Department of History Joint Faculties of Humanities and Theology Course code: HISA35 Supervisor: Henrik Rosengren Term: Spring 2 020 “Moving forward in the past” - a historical analysis of two speeches made by Slobodan Milošević regarding historical use of nationalism and ethnicity for the employment of divisiveness and fear-mongering. Author: Ismar Didić Sammanfattning/Abstract Under 1990-talet bröt den före detta socialistiska federala republiken Jugoslavien upp längs sina republikers gränser, till stor del på grund av en ekonomisk och politisk kris, liksom en ökning av nationalism och etniska spänningar. Där olika nationaliteter och etniska grupper kämpade för att samexistera, och olösta etniska, nationalistiska och religiösa problem steg upp till ytan - försökte en serbisk politiker vid namnet Slobodan Milošević, att utnyttja det serbiska folkets missnöje och mobilisera det till ett splittrande och skrämmande narrativ som skulle uppnå fantasin om ett "Storserbien". För att illustrera tyngden i Miloševićs ord och hur han använder historien för att framkalla rädsla och delning, kommer denna studie, med hjälp av tidigare forskning och två metoder, historiebruk och textanalys, att undersöka två av hans tal - hans Kosovo Polje-tal från 1987 och hans Gazimestan-tal från 1989. During the 1990s, The Former Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia broke up along its republics' borders, largely due to an economic and political crisis, as well as a rise in nationalism and ethnic tensions. Where dierent nationalities and ethnic groups struggled to coexist, and unresolved ethnic, nationalistic and religious troubles were rising to the surface - a Serbian politician by the name of Slobodan Milošević, sought to exploit the discontent of the Serbian people and marshal that into a divisive and fearsome narrative that would achieve the fantasy of a “Greater Serbia”. To illustrate the power of Milošević’s words and how he uses history to promulgate fear-mongering and divisiveness, this study will, with the aid of former research and two methods, use of history and text analysis, examine two of his speeches - his 1987 Kosovo Polje Speech and his 1989 Gazimestan address. Nyckelord : n ationalism, etnicitet, historiebruk, Milošević, Slobodan, Storserbien, Serbien, Albanien, Kosovo Keywords: n ationalism, ethnicity, use of history, Milošević, Slobodan, Greater Serbia, Serbia, Albania, Kosovo 1 Table of Contents Sammanfattning/Abstract…………………………………………………………………………………………………………….1 Table of Contents………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………...2 1.) Introduction… ………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………...3 1.1. Purpose and research question… …………………………………………………………………………………………….6 2.) Former research… …………………………………………………………………………………………………………..………..7 3.) Method… ………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………..9 3.1. Use of history… ………………………………………………………………………………………………………………..9 3.2. Text analysis… ……………………………………………………………………………………………………………...10 4.) Analysis ………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………...11 4.1. The first question… ………………………………………………………………………………………………………….11 4.1.1. Existential use of history… …………………………………………………………………………………..11 4.1.2. Moral use of history… ………………………………………………………………………………………..14 4.1.3. Ideological use of history… …………………………………………………………………………………...19 4.1.4. The answer to the first question… …………………………………………………………………………...22 4.2. The second question… ……………………………………………………………………………………………………...23 4.2.1. The answer to the second question… ………………………………………………………………………..25 5.) Results… ……………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………...26 6.) Conclusion… ………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………...28 7.) References …………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………….29 2 1.) Introduction The territory of the country once known as Yugoslavia, is one that is steeped in nationalist and ethnic tensions and unresolved issues that stem from several hundred years back. It has resulted in several deaths and endless battles over territory, religion, nationality and various other issues. Most notably, the First World War was started in the very heart of this region - Sarajevo - because an enraged and determined Serbian student, Gavrilo Princip, decided to assassinate the Archduke of Austro-Hungary, Franz Ferdinand, in order to liberate Bosnia and Herzegovina and further the dream of a Greater Serbia.1 Princip’s actions would prove to be fruitful, as the end of the First World War would mark a “re-drawing” of Europe’s borders, with the territory of Yugoslavia included. In 1918, this territory would be known as the Kingdom of Serbs, Croats and Slovenes. The kingdom was led by a Serbian king, Petar 1 of Serbia. As there were other ethnic groups in the region, such as Croats and Albanians, the fact that the sovereign was of Serbian origin garnered great displeasure among the various ethnic groups of the region. Revolutions followed from the non-Serb-groups, primarily Croats, and the Kingdom would see a small reform in its name in 1929 to; Kingdom of Yugoslavia, as a form of appeasement and call for unity. Although it appeared to work, nationalistic, ethnic and religious animosty never really seemed to wither away. It was not until the communist reformation of the land that occurred during the Second World War that tensions seemed to subside for a while. It would present some stability and peace in the region, although it would not last forever. 2 With the invasion of the Axis powers, the many peoples of this territory needed unication more than ever, or the outcome could result in even more tragedy and animosity. At the forefront, ghting against the fascists, were the partisans, led by Josip Broz Tito. His leadership was hailed and supported globally, which not only enabled him to take charge of the land, but also framed 1 The term “ Greater Serbia ” or “G reat Serbia ” describes the Serbian nationalist ideology of a Serb state which would encompass all the neighbouring regions of Serbia that hold “traditional signicance to Serbs” and where Serbs reside; Resić, Sanimir, “ Jugoslaviens undergång: Krigen. Freden. Framtiden.” , Historiska Media, 2018, pp. 10, 42. 2 Resić, Sanimir, “B alkans historia ”, Historiska Media, 2014, pp. 195-210. 3 Yugoslavia’s image for the years to come, as the sole communist country to abstain from Stalinism and the Warsaw Pact. This, combined with the semming decline in etnic, nationalistic and religious tensions, was often seen as the most prosperious period in the region.3 With this in mind, one begs the question of how ethnic cleansing, deportation, religious proling, mass murder and genocide could occur merely two years after Tito’s death? The answer lies in the fact that the tensions that plagued the region were never quite extinguished, but merely swept under the rug. They were never resolved, but “temporarily replaced” by a unied idea of comradeship and brotherhood through socialism and communism. Ideologies such as the ones which Gavrilo Princip ignited the whole of Europe in ames for, would see the light of day again 80 years later, and the message of brotherhood and unity in Yugoslavia would be used as a means of inspiration and motivation to perform unspeakable cruelty and evil. On April 24 1987, Slobodan Milošević, then to-become leader of the Serbian Communist Party, delivered a speech at the now famous Kosovo Polje, to large crowds of supporters that were gathered to hear his words. During that time, ethnic tensions between Albanians and Serbians had risen, especially in Kosovo, where several Kosovo Serbs had accused ethnic Albanians, Kosovo's majority ethnic group, of abusing their power. It resulted in a demonstration by Serbs and Montenegrins towards the Kosovo-Albanian authorities. Albainians and Serbians in the region had been at odds against one another for several centuries, mainly over religious and ethnic issues. This was something that Milošević seemed to agree with and decided to use this ethnic tension in his favour. While Milošević was addressing the leaders inside the local cultural hall, outside, the local Kosovo-Albanian police force were being hurled stones at by demonstrators. A crowd of around 15,000 Serbs and Montenegrins threw rocks at the police after they actively tried to push people away from the entrance to the cultural center of Kosovo Polje. 4 Milošević seemed to notice this, and went outside to address the crowds and try to ease the tensions. In reality, he was doing just the opposite - fueling hate and divide among the people. Milošević, who at that time was still a member of the Communist Party, chose to take power by adressing concerned crowds of Serbians at Kosovo, and by 3 Kumm, Björn, “Ti to: Folkets diktator” , Svenska Historiska Media Förlag AB, 2015, p. 152. 4 Reuters, “P rotest Staged by Serbs In an Albanian Region ”, The New York Times, https://www.nytimes.com/1987/04/26/world/protest-staged-by-serbs-in-an-albanian-region.html, 26/04-1987, accessed; 10/05-2020. 4 using the rising etnic tensions in the area to his advantage, Milošević managed to gain enough support to succeed in his political aspirations and eventually become President of Serbia in the following years. 5 The speech at Kosovo Polje was instrumental to Milošević’s rise in power as it spoke to the Kosovo-Serbs with a sense of promise of political change and reduction of Kosovo-Albanian autonomy in the area. Milošević also promised that the police force would be disciplined, implying that Serbs and Montenergins protesting were actually right in their claim that Kosovo belonged