University of Alberta Jeremy Bentham and the Theories of Intemational Relations BY Gunhild Elizabeth Birgitta Hoogensen O A thesis subrnitted to the Faculty of Graduate Studies and Research in partial fulfilimenr of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy Department of Political Science Edmonton, Alberta Spring 2000 National Library Bibliothèque nationale 1*1 of Canada du Canada Acquisitions and Acquisitions et Bibliographic Services services bibliographiques 395 Weltington Street 395. rue Wellington Ottawa ON K1A ON4 Ottawa ON KlA ON4 Canada Canada The author has granted a non- L'auteur a accordé une licence non exclusive licence allowing the exclusive permettant à la National Libraty of Canada to Bibliothèque nationale du Canada de reproduce, loan, distri'bute or sell reproduire, prêter, distribuer ou copies of this thesis in microform, vendre des copies de cette thèse sous paper or electronic formats. la forme de microfiche/^ de reproduction sur papier ou sur format électronique. The author retains ownership of the L'auteur conserve la propriété du copyright in this thesis. Neither the droit d'auteur qui protège cette thèse. thesis nor substantial extracts ikom it Ni la thèse ni des extraits substantiels may be printed or otherwise de celle-ci ne doivent être imprimes reproduced without the author's ou autrement reproduits sans son permission. autorisation. To my family: Duane, Arne and Bmntë And to Allison, who sent me down this road . Abstract Jeremy Bentham's contribution to international relations theory has been grossly misunderstood. Using Bentham's original manuscripts in Universi~College London, his economic writings, and the recently edited Collected Worh of Jeremy Bentham, this dissertation argues that Bentham's work in international relations consists of far more than his alIeged essay "A Plan for an Universal and Perpetual Peace," and can only be understood with reference to bis disappointment-prevention principle, or security of expectation. Although Bentham's interest in international relations focused largely on international Iaw and the emancipation of colonies, he also wrote on other issues of peace and war. His work is often included in histories of international relations theory, but his contributions have been vastly underrated. His best-known essay, "A Plan for an Universal and Perpetual Peace" was never written by Bentham. It was a compilation of essays titled "Pacification and Ernancipation," "Colonies and Naky," and "Cabinet No Secrecy," used by the general editor of The Worh of Jeremy Bentham John Bowring. The title arose on the basis of an outline lefi by Bentham that suggested the title "Plan for an Universal and Perpetual Peace." This distortion of Bentham's work was itself misleading to numerous scholars endeavouring to understand his ideas, but most scholars never undertook the initiative to look at Bentham's other essays, especially his economic essays, to gain a sense of his important contributions to international political econorny. As a result, Bentham's ideas have been designated part of the liberal tradition of international relations theory. Bentham's ideas cannot be so easily categorized. A much better understanding of Bentham's many works in international relations can be obtained when applying Bentham's disappointment-prevenGon prXnciple. This pnnciple embodies Bentham's Iife-long concern for security, and his need to weigh al1 policy and action on the basis of how security would be affected. It is this principle that provides the foundation for Bentham's farnous principle of utility. This dissertation attempts to gather as much of Bentham's ideas on international relations together, and evaluate it in light of Bentham's concern for security. Acknowledgements 1would like «, acknowledge the support, assistance, and advice 1received at the Bentham Project, University College London, and I especially thank Dr. Philip Schofield and Dr. Fred Rosen. Dr. Allison Dube of Calgary was equally valuable, allowing me to borrolv materials as weli as discuss important facets of my argument. I would like to thank my father-in-law whose generosity enabied my family and I to travel to London so that I ma!. do my research. Many, many thanks go to my parents, Chris and Marga Hoogensen. who provided a great deal of support manifested in any number of ways. 1want to thank rny husband Duane, who ached under the burden of this dissertation almost as much as 1 did. and outwo children, Arne and Brontë. Arne now thinks writing chapters is a normal, everyday activity, and Brontë has fallen asleep in front of the cornputer more than 1 care to count. They have more patience than any four and two year olds on this planet. To my supervisor, Dr. Larry Pratt. who showed me what diligent and professional research is al1 about, and whom 1 consider a great friend, the words ?ha& you'? are pitifully inadequate. Nonetheless, thank you. Table of Contents 1. Introduction 1 II. Bentham's Manuscripts Versus the Published "Works" 30 III. Bentham and the Traditions of International Relations Theory 58 IV. Bentham and Sovereignty V. Bentham on Peace VI. Bentham on War VII. Bentham and the Colonies VIII. Bentham the International Political Economist II(. Conclusion X. Bibliography Introduction Nature has placed mankind under the govemance of two sovereign masters, pain and pleasure. It is for them alone to point out what we ought to do, as well as to determine what we shall do. On the one hand the standard of right and wrong, on the other the chain of causes and effects, are fastened to their throne. They govern us in al1 we do, in ail we Say, in al1 we think: every effort we can make to throw off our subjection, wili serve but to demonstrate and confirm it. In words a man may pretend to abjure their empire: but in reality he will remah subject to it dlthe while. The principle of utili~recognizes this subjection, and assumes it for the foundation of that system, the object of which is to rear the fabric of felicity by the hands of reason and of law. Systems which attempt to question it! deal in sounds instead of sense, in caprice instead of reason, in darkness instead of light.' Jeremy Bentham's (1 748-1 832) famous, if not infamous, passage on the pursuit of pleasures and avoidance of pains sets the stage for Our understanding of his principle of utility - the well known foundation of his political and Iegal theory. Bentham's name is well known in political philosophy circles as the vast proportion of his work addressed legal theory and reform, and what constituted the ideal relationship between the governors and the govemed. His work has had some impact on international relations C theon! but generally speali;ing, the man and his contribution to international relations thinking are largely unexamined and unknown. Upon inspection Bentham's work has a great deal to offer to international relations scholarship. Additionally, Bentham lived during, and responded to, a number of critical events that took place in the late 1700s and early 1800s, such as the American and French revolutions, and the Napoleonic wars- These events, as well as the circumstances of his life, had an impact on his writing in ' J. Bentham, An Inrroducrion ro the Princbles and Morals of legislation (New York: Hafier Pubiishing C., 1965). 1. international affairs, providing us with many worthwhiIe insights into his work in particular, and international relations theoy in general. Bentham and his world Especially in his later years, Bentham's eccentrÏc lifestyle made hL?I prone to ridicule and caricature, with John Stuart Mill providing one of the more influential critiques of Bentham's life, often discrediting bis years of work: In one of two extremely interesting essays which Mill] wrote about Bentham after his death, Mill applauded many of his ideas and achievernents, but portrayed him as chiIdlike, cloistered, equable, and emotionally shallow-as someone who had never known adversity or dejection, and whose knowledge of human affairs and human nature was very ~onfined.~ This characterization was not entirely accurate* as Bentham was familiar with dejection. and had enough exposure to political events to prompt his addressing many prominent leaders of his day, Catherine the Great, and Pitt the Younger arnong them. Nonetheless, even though "[nlot many philosophers-though Mill himself was one of the exceptions-have had as much contact with the world of affairs as Bentham did?''' his contact was ofien awkward and diffident. Although Bentham was continually interested in the events surrounding him, he was not predisposed to an actively public life. Born in February of 1748. Bentham enjoyed a childhood in a prosperous, middle cIass, London family. His father was a successful attorney and played a dominant, if not domineering, role in Bentham's life, even more so when his mother died when he was 10 years old. His intelligence was recognized early, 'John Dinwiddy, Bentham (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1989), 19. encouraged by a proud and detemiined father, beginning Latin studies at the age of three, entering Westminster at the age of seven, and moving on to Queen's College, Oxford at the age of 12. More than able to meet the intellectual challenges of school, Bemtham was otherwise unhappy. He was smaller than his schoolmates, and much younger than his colleagues at Oxford: "kept very short of money by his father, he lived an ismlated and resûicted life, and meanwhile gained little satisfaction fiom the desultory and pedestrian teaching offered by his tutors.'* Trained as a lawyer, Bentham did little to pursue an active law career, never tried a case, and gave up any notion of practicing shortly thereafter. He was aghast at the disorder disguised as the English legal sy stem. He turned to addressing that disorder, and spent the rest of his life writing abou3 the legal system and how it could be irnproved.