International Journal of Humanities and Social Science Invention ISSN (Online): 2319 – 7722, ISSN (Print): 2319 – 7714 www.ijhssi.org Volume 4 Issue 2 ǁ February. 2015 ǁ PP.43-54 Primary Education among Tribal People of Mayurbhanj District of Odisha : An Evaluative Study Amulya Kumar Behera ABSTRACT: Indian constitution in the article 45 has made provisionfor free and compulsory education for all children up to the age of 14 years.in Article 46- special provision are made for the development of weaker section of the people specially SCs and STs. Systematic and planned efforts were made by Government to achieve and fulfill this commitment. However, even after sixty seven years of independence the goal of universal elementary education has not been achieved so far. About 10 million children of school going age are not attending elementary schools due to various reasons. The tribal people of the India constitute 8% of total Indian population and their literacy is far behind the target and a long term cherished goal. This paper discusses the primary education of tribal people of Mayurbhanj district, the most tribal populated and largest (in area) district of Odisha keeping in view the position of Primary education and the Government efforts for Universalising the elementary education. The data for this paper are accumulated from different sources such as 7th All India School Education Survey 2002, survey conducted by NCERT, and State Report Cards prepared by NUEPA, Delhi etc., date available at OPEPA, Tribal Welfare Dept. Odisha, SCSTRTI, Odisha. It also include Educational parameter at district level are discussed and analysed to draw the attention of researchers, policy makers, administrators, and educationist for achieving the target of SSA in the State. KEY WORDS: Development, Education, Literacy, School, Tribes, Mayurbhanj I. INTRODUCTION The constitution of India in its preamble has clearly indicated the vision and commitments of the nation to the ideas of democracy, socialism, secularism through securing all the citizen justice, liberty, equality, and fraternity. Article 46 of Indian constitution therefore clearly declare that ‘The state shall promote with special care to the education and economic interest of the weaker section of the people and in particular Scheduled Cast and Scheduled Tribe, and shall protect them from the social justice and all forms of exploitation.’ The framers of the Indian constitution were quite conscious that the society has been suffer from as old superstitions and discriminations which have resulted in various social and economic barriers and disparities. First, the term Scheduled Tribes in itself is derived from a schedule in the Constitution Order of 1950 that grouped tribal populations in independent India into one category for purposes of affirmative action and protective discrimination. In that sense it is more an administrative category. Sociologically speaking, Scheduled Tribes comprise very diverse tribal groups with each tribe having distinct customs, including language, food, etc. Any aggregate analysis of ‘Scheduled Tribes’ therefore is meaningless because it cannot capture the uniqueness that defines each distinct tribal group. However, most national data is gathered according to the broader, administrative nomenclatures that exist as per the Constitution (e.g. SC, ST, Others). This is a restriction imposed by data and should not be read as an attempt at generalization. Second, from a historical lens, Scheduled Tribes are seen as the ‘original inhabitants’ or the ‘indigenous peoples’ of India – hence the translation into Adivasi (Adi = earliest time, Vasi = resident of). But the Indian state rejects the term ‘indigenous peoples’ as it considers it ‘divisive, undermining the unity of the Indian nation’ (Ghurye quoted in Chopra 1988). For this reason, this paper refrains from using the term Adivasi, but does use the word ‘tribals’ interchangeably with Scheduled Tribes. Finally, and most significantly, it is common to hear of Scheduled Tribe issues being conflated with those of the Scheduled Castes. This is a misnomer as the reasons for exclusion of tribals are very different than that of the latter. Tribals do not strictly fall within the Hindu caste hierarchy and therefore do not face ritually endorsed exclusion, say in the form of untouchability, as do the Scheduled Castes. Instead, they face exclusion largely because of their physical isolation in remote parts of the country. Also, unlike the Scheduled Castes, tribal communities have traditionally owned at least subsistence land and have had some agriculture to fall back upon. It is now with the state taking ownership of most forests and with industries (particularly mineral-based ones) gradually spreading to tribal areas that STs find themselves increasingly alienated from their land and economic livelihoods. www.ijhssi.org 43 | Page Primary Education Among Tribal People… The 11th Five Year Plan (2007-12) of the Government of India too is structured around a vision of “faster, more broad-based and inclusive growth” and bridging divides – between the rich and the poor, between urban and rural areas, between different regions, and groups that have hitherto been excluded socially such as Scheduled Castes (SCs), Scheduled Tribes (STs) and women. However, the state of Orissa is peculiar in the high share of SCs and STs in its population. According to the 2011 Census, STs comprise 22.84 per cent of the state population. Further, about 45 per cent of Orissa is classified as Scheduled Area under Schedule V of the Constitution, which identifies special privileges for those areas where the majority of the population belong to Scheduled Tribes. Given the high share of tribals in the state’s population, a focus on tribal development has always been high on Orissa’s policy agenda. But of late, tribal concerns have come to occupy a prime place in policy thinking within the state. This is driven by the fact that Orissa’s current source of growth, i.e. mineral resources lie predominantly in areas where the tribals reside. Setting up mineral based industries in these pockets has therefore resulted in large scale displacement of tribals from their traditional land with accompanying problems of resettlement and rehabilitation. This has fuelled resentment against the government, with several analysts calling such alienation the predominant cause of tribal angst and their joining anti-state groups including the naxalites. Not surprisingly, calls for identifying the processes that result in tribal deprivation have gained salience in recent years.The objective of this review is to identify the underlying processes and pathways that result in poor outcomes for Scheduled Tribes in Orissa, policies that currently exist to address their deprivation, gaps in these policies, and a future agenda for promoting inclusion of tribals in the state, so they too can share the benefits of the growth Orissa is experiencing. Before this paper delves further into the data and challenges specific to addressing tribal concerns in Orissa, it is critical to dispel some notions that often arise about Scheduled Tribes in general. II. LITERATURE REVIEW A brief review is worthwhile in order to highlight what has already been done in the field.In a study on tribes of Andhra Pradesh, K. Sujatha (1994) contends that the perspective adopted for educational development of tribal communities fails to adequately address the specific disadvantages characterizing the tribal population. She found that one of the major constraints of tribal education at the planning level is the adoption of a dual system of administration. Rani, M (2000) observed in her study that due to the language barrier the tribal children are unable to establish communication link with the teacher and thus leading to the termination of their education in some point or the other. Vaidyanathan and Nair, (2001) suggested that teacher motivationcontributes more to teaching – learning process than teacher competence. Sujatha, K. (2002) revealed that though education was not a critical demand among Scheduled Tribes, government policy focused on education as the main avenue by which to integrate them into „mainstream‟ society. Jha & Jhingran, D. (2002) have strongly advocated the use of the mother tongue or home language as medium of instruction in early stages of education. This assumes greater significance in the context of education of tribal children because their mother tongue is often quite distinct from the prominent languages in the state or regional languages and it is desirable to have a local teacher from the same tribal community. The Praitichi Committee Report (2002) identifies cost of schooling, lack of motivation of teachers, lack of inspection, and the increasing dependence on private tutoring to be the main hurdles in the path of education for tribal children. Gautam, V. (2004) in his article foundthat high “dropout” rates among tribal children He analysed that due to wrong medium of instruction, the appointment of non-tribal teachers in tribal areas and communication gap between the teachers and tribal children are the causes of high dropout rates in tribal schools. Maharatna, A. (2005) the key challenge does not concern how tribes can be brought within the folds of mainstream society and culture, but how a more voluntary and mutual interaction between tribes and mainstream society can be developed. Lal, M. (2005) found that among all school dropouts, Adivasis and Dalits form the biggest group. Further,