“A Convention of ‘Moral Lunatics’”: The Rutland, Vermont, Free Convention of 1858 Representatives of nearly every American Antebellum reform movement known to humankind crowded into Rutland in late June 1858 to thump the drums for their particular causes, creating a cacophony of assertions and cross-purposes. By Thomas L. Altherr s Randy Roth has shown in The Democratic Dilemma, antebel- lum Vermont was awash in a tide of religious revivals and sec- tarian surges. Even though that level of enthusiasm waned by A 1 the 1850s, Vermont was still susceptible to short sporadic upheavals. In the summer of 1858, Rutland played host to one of the most unusual gatherings of moral reformers ever to assemble on the American conti- nent. Perhaps New Hampshire abolitionist Parker Pillsbury described it best. Writing to William Lloyd Garrison on June 30, 1858, he re- marked, “I am just returned from attending one of the largest and most important Reformatory Conventions ever held in this or any other country. The most prominent topics considered were Spiritualism, the Cause of Woman, including Marriage and Maternity, Scripture and Church Authority, and Slavery. Then the subjects of Free Trade, of Edu- cation, Labor and Land Reform, Temperance, Physiology and Phrenol- ogy were introduced, and more or less considered.” Pillsbury praised New Lebanon Shaker Frederick Evans for “a calm and clear exposition of the doctrines held by his denomination”; Albany minister Amory Dwight Mayo for “a most eloquent and able address on the Bible”; a variety of feminists for speeches on behalf of Woman; and New York radical Ernestine Rose for “all her strength and noble earnestness.” Vermont History 69 (Symposium Supplement): 90–104. © 2001 by the Vermont Historical Society. ISSN: 0042-4161; online ISSN: 1544-3043 91 ..................... “How could we fail, then,” he posed rhetorically, “of an occasion to be felt and remembered forever.” One speaker, Henry Clarke Wright, seemed to embody the eclectic quality of the mix by himself: “H. C. Wright, of no State or country in particular; was also there, endeavoring to weave his broad robes of Righteousness out of Anti-Slavery, Non-Resistance, Tem- perance, the true laws of Marriage, Maternity, Education and the con- struction of the family.” “Permit me to say, in a word,” Pillsbury concluded, “that no Convention ever held in America could have had more Millen- nial hope and promise in it than this.” Repeat it in each state and even the slave states would come shouting for reform, he conjectured.2 In the quest for moral perfection that drew the energies of many re- formers in the decades before the Civil War, those Americans sought the proper strategy and cause to bring on the projected millennium. Few single-issue radicals emerged, but many stressed one social evil or eco- nomic malady as the major obstacle to paradise regained. For many that was chattel slavery, for others excessive alcoholism or marital domina- tion or male oppression of females or sexual expenditure, and yet for others dietary and nervous system problems seemed the root causes of national debility. To erase these severe smudges on the American moral self-image, reformers championed a flood of movements: abolition, anti- slavery, women’s rights, the Cult of Domesticity, temperance, reli- gious revivalism Second Great Awakening-style, Free Love, passion- lessness, spermatic economy, pacifism, celibacy, pantagamy, polygyny, transcendentalism and pantheism, associationism and Fourierist social- ism, homeopathic, Thomsonian, and eclectic medicine, hydropathy, veg- etarianism, phrenology, mesmerism and galvanism, law reform, public education, conversion of indigenous people, and spiritualism. Some re- formers sampled widely from this menu; others followed one or two through to the bitter end.3 Movement tactics to win followers varied from personal conversion to moral suasion to outright propaganda. Acutely aware of the power of the mass-distributed printed word, radicals distributed tons of pam- phlets, newspapers, and broadsides to the public, occasionally flooding the mails with petitions. In an age when lectures were a chief form of entertainment, the reformers hustled out on the lyceum circuit town to town. At times masters of the clandestine manuever, at others, the pur- veyors of ultimate candidness, these enthusiasts kept their eyes on their main goals. Although most of them advocated and practiced Christian nonviolence, many up until the Civil War, some leaders thought that vi- olence had value in convincing formerly marginal converts. Confronta- tional politics was a style few of them avoided. A few knocks from a mob served to strengthen a speaker’s resolve. Paradoxically enthralling 92 ..................... to the individual and predicating collective effort alike, reform move- ments both succeeded and foundered on these emotional drives. The convention was an arrangement common to the age. Formalized gatherings of delegates and speakers in large, predetermined locales and arenas, often with thoroughly mapped-out agendas, conventions were ubiquitous by the 1840s. Whether a convention was the best mode of communication and persuasion drew some debate, but increasingly this organizational principle won the day. Reform-minded radicals had no monopoly on the convention process. Businessmen, politicians, min- isters, military men, and promoters of conservative socioeconomic in- stitutions such as slavery all convened regularly. Reformers, then, when setting up their own conventions were breaking no new territory, but perhaps were adapting the tactics of the mainstream for their own ends. Before 1858, American reformers assembled in numerous conven- tions to promote their specific causes. For example, for most of the years of the 1840s and 1850s women’s rights workers held national conventions, as did the abolition, temperance, and other reform move- ments. Advocates at these conventions might have argued about appro- priate strategies and at times some urged shifts to other causes, but mostly these gatherings focused on a single purpose. Thus, when the melange of movers and shakers descended upon Rutland in June, 1858, their arrival marked a break in tradition. Such a mixed assemblage held out the pos- sibility of either extraordinary communication and cooperation or a dispiriting Babel. Why Vermont? Why Rutland? Vermonters had claimed an indepen- dent streak all the way back to Ethan and Ira Allen and the Green Moun- tain Boys and had had plenty of what historian David Ludlum termed “social ferment” in the first half of the century. Abolitionism had at- tracted quite a few sympathizers in the 1830s. Future Mormon leaders Joseph Smith and Brigham Young had been born in the state, and Mil- lerite founder William Miller and Oneida Community mastermind John Humphrey Noyes got their start in Vermont as well. Rutland itself had hosted a temperance convention in 1844, and for over thirty years a black minister, Lemuel Haynes, had presided over a congregation there. Ver- mont boasted some resort spas, and Thomsonian botanist doctors ranged the region.4 On the other hand, residents had attacked radicals, mobbing abolitionist Samuel May in Rutland in 1835. Due to business and agri- cultural shifts, many Vermonters had moved west. By the late 1850s, most Vermonters possessed a more conservative frame of mind. Farmers and businessmen emphasized boosterism and economic prosperity which they hoped the recent railway lines would bring. Reversing the trend of rural abandonment, Rutland’s population had jumped from 93 ..................... 3,000 to 7,633 inhabitants by September, 1857.5 Even if the state was relatively hospitable for radical gatherings, the choice of Rutland still seemed curious, in that New York, Boston, or some other metropolitan area would have promised the reformers bigger crowds and more im- mediate media exposure. If they were looking to escape the hot cities, a common summertime practice before the arrival of air conditioning, they found no relief in Rutland; all contemporary reports suggest it was blazing those three days. The origin of the idea for the convention is somewhat fuzzy, but ap- parently Spiritualist groups in the Boston area or in Vermont, or both, envisioned a wide-ranging gathering. In late May a call went out for “Friends of Human Progress” to assemble in late June in Rutland. Over 150 Vermonters, most from the western stretch of the state, signed the petition. Rutland businessman John Landon and merchant Newman Weeks appear to have been the chief contacts in the town, but others such as Burlington educator John R. Forrest and Glens Falls, New York, minister Jason F. Walker also took an active role. It is apparent, how- ever, that the Spiritualist contingent engineered the effort. Many news- paper accounts after the event remarked about the predominance of that religious movement at the convention. The Rutland organizers secured much local cooperation in staging the event. The Spiritual Age for June 12th gave the details: Ample accommodations will be made to feed and lodge all who may be desirous of attending the Convention. Arrangements have been made with the different railroads to carry for half fare. Special trains will be run on the Rutland and Burlington, Rutland and Washington, and Western Vermont roads. Our friends from Boston and vicinity who wish to be at the Convention on the morning of the first day, will buy their tickets through Rutland, and take the P.M. train Thursday, June 24th. On the Cheshire Railroad