MICRONESIAN JOURNAL OF THE HUMANITIES AND SOCIAL SCIENCES Vol. 5, nº 1 Dry Season Issue June 2006 FROM SOUL TO SOMNOLENCE: THE PALAU COMMUNITY ASSOCIATION OF GUAM, 1948 TO 1997 Francesca K. Remengesau Department of Mental Health and Substance Abuse, Government of Guam Dirk Anthony Ballendorf Micronesian Area Research Center, University of Guam This article provides a narrative reflective history of the founding, growth, development, decline, and near end of the Palau Community Association of Guam. The historical experience of this community association parallels, in some re- spects, the growth and development also of Guam. It examines the early immigration of Palauans to Guam; their moti- vations, their success, and their thoughts on the future. A wide diversity of Palauan opinion has been gathered for this study beginning with testimonies from early immigrants following World War Two, to young people who are students and workers. The Palau Community Association of Guam This study provides information on the his- (PCA) has been a very important social and torical as well as the contemporary experience cultural institution for Palauans on Guam for of the members of the Palauan community on more than fifty years. A comprehensive history Guam, and also describes the Palauan skill at of the development, activities, and social evolu- socio-cultural change in the context of migra- tion of this association has never been re- tion and transition to a wage economy, and corded before now. It is important for the considers the impact of a new socio-cultural present Palauan community of Guam, espe- setting on women’s economic roles, on tradi- cially the younger people, to know about the tional customs, and on education. The ap- history of this organization, and how it got proach is historical and considers the migration started on Guam. Some of the questions posed and adaptation of Palauans to life on Guam. here include: what were the adventures and ex- periences of the men and women who man- BEGINNINGS aged to migrate to Guam in the post-WWII In the months immediately following the end years? How did they manage to overcome their of World War II in Palau everyone the de- initial culture shock, and cope with the social feated Japanese, the victorious Americans, and issues and economic changes they experienced the Palauan people who then numbered less with urbanization? What was it that drove indi- than 6,000 (TTPI Handbook 1948) were busy viduals to take that first giant step across the recovering and rebuilding after the devastation. ocean to an unknown place like Guam? Koror, once the active and bustling capital of This is a peer reviewed contribution. Received: 24 Mar 2006 Revised: 6 Aug 2006 Accepted: 1 Sep 2006 © Micronesian Journal of the Humanities and Social Sciences ISSN 1449-7336 HeritageFutures™ International, PO Box 3440, Albury NSW 2640, Australia 629 Persistent identifier: http://www.nla.gov.au/nla.arc-65664 630 From Soul to Somnolence: The Palau Community Association of Guam, 1948 To 1997 the Japanese Mandated Islands in Micronesia, programs, but also for permanent jobs, particu- lay in ruins. Few Palauans had actually lived larly in the private sector. In 1951, the United there in the final years of imperial rule, having States and Japan signed a Treaty of Peace that been systematically relocated to the larger ended the American postwar occupation of Ja- island of Babeldaob and elsewhere in Palau pan. The same year, the U.S. established a civil (Poyer et al. 2001). Peleliu Island in the south administration in Micronesia under the U.S. of Palau had been developed as a major Japa- Department of the Interior (TTPI Handbook nese military base, and thus had become a tar- 1948). The end of the U.S. Naval Administra- get for the Americans, who had invaded and tion enabled many Micronesians to immigrate captured it, as well as nearby Anguar Island, to Guam with permission of the U.S. Immigra- during September and October 1944, with tion and Naturalization Service (INS). These tremendous loss of life (Isley and Crowl 1965). circumstances of the immediate postwar period Except for 155 Anguarese making up 24 fami- created the opportunities for Palauans, as well lies, most of the people on these two islands as other Micronesians, to come to Guam and had been relocated to northern Babeldaob establish themselves. This situation, in turn, led prior to the attack, and thus their lives had to the founding of the Palau Community Asso- been spared; but their homes and property had ciation (PCA) of Guam. been destroyed, and their return was not joyous (Walter 1993). POSTWAR ECONOMIC BOOM ON GUAM Guam had been a United States Territory When WWII ended, the population of Guam since the Spanish-American War of 1898, and was some 236,000 people—about 216,000 mili- during the Japanese mandate period Palauans tary men and women—were on Guam then, could not go to Guam (David Ramarui, in Bal- and getting them back to the U.S. mainland lendorf et al. 1986). The late director of educa- and discharged from military service was a ma- tion during the American Trusteeship in jor undertaking. At the same time the Navy Micronesia, recalled that “Guam was an island had ambitious plans for five major civilian re- we had heard about far to the north, but none habilitation projects for construction of new of us would ever think of visiting there (David villages and a general hospital, all at an esti- Ramarui, in Ballendorf et al. 1986).But the war mated cost of $20 million (Rogers 1997, p.208). and the subsequent establishment of the The construction projects, and all other re- United Nations Trusteeship in Micronesia ad- lated demobilization activity on Guam called ministered by the Americans changed all this. for a large amount of manpower to fill the In March 1947, the American military estab- needed jobs: lished a teacher-training program on Guam After the postwar military demobiliza- where selected trainees came from all over tion, the navy began Micronesia (TTPI Handbook 1948). David • bidding out construction of new military Ramarui was a member of the first group of projects to American civilian trainees, and was thus among the first Palauans • contractors. The largest contracts were for to come to Guam in postwar times. Besides construction of the Apra teachers there were other trainees as well, in • harbor breakwater for over $8 million in the fields of nursing, medicine, public health, 1945-1948 with the J.H. dentistry, police, mechanics, and a bevy of • Pomeroy Company of San Francisco; for other occupations needed to reconstruct and the dredging of the harbor revitalize the Micronesian economy (TTPI • by the Guam Dredging Contractors 1946- Handbook 1948). 1950, for $13 million; and Guam had also suffered devastation during • for general construction island-wide by the the war, and hence there was considerable op- Brown-Pacific-Matson portunity for islanders there as well, not only • (BPM) consortium over the period 1946- for relatively short-term training and education 1956 (Rogers 1997, p. 217). From Soul to Somnolence: The Palau Community Association of Guam, 1948 To 1997 631 This construction boom created an eco- refers to intentions versus actions, or words versus nomic environment on Guam friendly for deeds” (Poyer et al. 1997). Micronesians to immigrate. Applied to Palauans coming to Guam, these Palau’s political status immediately follow- terms apply to those who wanted to come to ing WWII is relatively easy to explain. Techni- Guam, but did not, and those who wanted to cally, from the cessation of hostilities in 1944 come to Guam and did. Also, G. Gmelch, in until the signing of the Trusteeship Agreement writing about one of his subjects, Roy Camp- between the United States and the United bell, who left his native home in Barbados, Nations in 1947, Micronesia, including Palau, West Indies, to go to England, quoted the lat- was a “warspoil” with the U.S. Navy in charge. ter in his motivations for uprooting himself Travel among the islands by ship or plane was from the comfort of his home, and defying on U.S. Navy carriers, and all that was needed even the wishes of his father: for passengers was official permission; no commercial-type tickets were used. I went to England because I wasn’t getting anyplace Many educational programs were set up by in Barbados and I wanted to see what England was the Navy, not only for the training of people like after hearing so much about it in school . I from Micronesia, for which the Navy was re- was nineteen and many of my friends had gone over sponsible, but also to train Chamorros and other already. My eldest brother was there, and my sister locals in construction skills. George Washing- and her husband were there too. Plus, I felt that by ton High School reopened almost immediately going there I could learn a trade better than by stay- and graduated its first postwar class on 30 June ing here” (Gmelch 1992 p.167). 1946. In 1948 the Catholic Bishop Apollinarius This statement can be applied precisely to William Baumgartner started the Father Jesus many of the Palauan emigrants to Guam. Baza Duenas Memorial High School in Mangi- The relative commonalities in these immi- lao, named for the martyred Chamorro priest. grants’ stories suggest that they are people with The educational and work opportunities special determination; people who look out- brought the first Palauans to Guam, as well as ward, and who are inclined to act in furthering Micronesians from other districts as well. their own best interests.