Immigrants at Home: Revolution, Nationalism, and Anti-Chinese Sentiment in Mexico, 1910-1935 A Senior Honors Thesis Presented in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for graduation with research distinction in History in the undergraduate colleges of The Ohio State University by Joshua Charles Walker The Ohio State University May 2008 Project Advisor: Professor Stephanie Smith, Department of History 2 ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS This thesis represents the product of numerous conversations with many faculty and staff of The Ohio State University. My sincere gratitude goes to all who helped me throughout this process. My advisor, Professor Stephanie Smith, provided a substantial amount of theoretical and emotional support. Professors Kenneth Andrien, Lilia Fernández, Mansel Blackford, Jay Miller, Patricia Sieber and Eugenia Romero offered crucial assistance in the various stages of research, writing, editing, and translating. Brian L. McMichael and David Lincove provided the indispensable services of the librarian, and summer research with Professor Shashi Matta provided funding for the project. Finally, my parents, family, and friends offered their love and support. 3 Source: George T. Summerlin to Sec. of State, (Jan. 6, 1923), The National Archives Record Group 59, 812.911/142, enclosure, The Ohio State University Libraries. Map 1 1922 Map of Mexico 4 ABSTRACT Immigrants at Home explores the history of Chinese citizens who immigrated to Mexico primarily during the last half of the 19th century and the first part of the 20th. Examining this subject from a social perspective, the paper first seeks to elaborate upon the process of negotiation that took place between these immigrants and dominant Mexican society. Chinese immigrants initially succeeded in modifying the roles prescribed for them by Mexican political thought, and the cultural agency that they displayed in both their sexual and economic practices made life in Mexico tolerable and even prosperous.1 However, following the onslaught of the Mexican Revolution in 1910 and its concordant ideologies of nationalism, xenophobia, and racism, social discourse demanded that the Chinese immigrants abandon many of their survival strategies. Faced with violence and discrimination, many of these immigrants undertook a final renegotiation of their roles in Mexico by leaving the country with their Mexican wives and families. The paper attempts to synchronize these events into a broad examination of the factors and circumstances that allow particular adaptation and negotiation strategies to both succeed and change at divergent historical moments. Methodology The work draws on a wealth of historical research and resources. The most significant of these sources are correspondences of U.S. Consular Agents in Mexico, which are available in the National Archives Records Group 59. However, the work of other scholars also proved crucial to the completion of this research. For instance, studies by Evelyn Hu-Dehart that analyzed the 1 In her introduction to Cultural Agency in the Americas, Doris Summer defines cultural agency as “social contributions through creative practices.” See: Sommer, Doris, “Introduction: Wiggle Room,” in Cultural Agency in the Americas, ed. Doris Sommer, 1-28 (Durham and London: Duke University Press, 2006), 1. 5 economic and social maturation of the Chinese community offered important background on these components of the immigrants’ experience. Robert H. Duncan also writes about Chinese economics in Mexico. Julia Maria Schiavone Camacho’s work presents a fascinating analysis of Chinese-Mexican gender relations, while Philip A. Dennis and Jorge Gomez Izquierdo cover race and anti-Chinese sentiment, respectively. Finally, the studies of Leo M. Jacques and Charles C. Cumberland focus on the Chinese experience in Sonora, while Roberto Chao Romero links the Chinese experience in Mexico to the larger phenomenon of Chinese diaspora.2 While these authors undoubtedly helped in the formulation of the work’s theory, many of these writings depict Chinese immigrants solely as victims of state power. This paper, then, adds to the field of history an alternate analysis of Chinese immigrants in Mexico as agents who continually negotiated with Mexican discourse not only through their adaptation strategies that allowed them to prosper in Mexico but also through their various responses (including emigration away from their new country) to Mexican hostility. 2 Robert Chao Romero, “The Dragon in Big Lusong: Chinese Immigration and Settlement in Mexico: 1882-1940,” (Ph.D. diss., University of California Los Angeles, 2003), xvi-xvii. 6 Introduction: Trouble in Sonora In September of 1925, a report from U.S. Consular Agent Henry C. A. Damm working in Sonora, Mexico relayed the destructive action of rioters in the eastern Sonora town of Nacozari de Pilares. There, a reported mob of 1,000 Mexicans under the leadership of anti-Chinese activists attacked the stores and homes of Chinese residents of this community, even holding some as hostages. Mexican police proved ineffective in ameliorating the situation; one officer was fatally shot and another wounded before federal cavalry troops ended the crisis. However, this military maneuver did not seem to quell the anti-Chinese sentiments in the town. Damm reported that a bridge on a local rail line later burned down, presumably the work of the rioters in trying to prevent more federal military action. He also signaled the continued likelihood of anti- Chinese attacks in Sonora by claiming that, “with the feeling against the Chinese existing in Sonora, similar outbreaks and disturbances may be expected to occur at any time.”3 The incident in Nacozari de Pilares is indicative of a wider development of anti-Chinese sentiment throughout Mexico following the onset and culmination of the Mexican Revolution of 1910. Chinese immigrants, mostly men, flocked to Mexico in increasing numbers in response to favorable economic and political conditions propagated by Porfirio Diaz’ administration (1876- 1910) that called for more workers to fuel economic projects such as railroad building and mining. By adopting a variety of strategies and community building techniques, many of these immigrants successfully renegotiated their prescribed roles as wage laborers, and many even became wealthy. Their strategies included: shunning low paying jobs and Mexican business 3 Report from Henry C. A. Damm entitled, “Anti-Chinese Demonstrations in Sonora, Mexico,” (Sept. 5, 1925), National Archives Record Group 59, 812.4016/14, The Ohio State University Libraries. 7 models for more lucrative, mercantile pursuits, forming mutual aid societies that allowed for increased Chinese community communication, and forming family ties with Mexican women. Following the development of nationalistic and xenophobic political ideologies in Mexico after the Mexican Revolution, the prosperity that these strategies afforded to Chinese immigrants to Mexico became threatened by anti-Chinese feelings.4 Mexicans subjected Chinese immigrants to abuses that targeted physical and economic well being as well as their legal rights, and many of these abuses focused on the very strategies that had made the Chinese in Mexico successful in the first place. For instance, economic hostility often took the form of riots or processions in front of successful Chinese business, while labor unions and anti-Chinese groups directed non-violent hostility against Chinese merchants by encouraging boycotts or outright closures of Chinese stores. Similarly, legal sanctions often proposed by elected officials targeted both Chinese economic success and Chinese practices of forming relationships with Mexican women. As this growing anti-Chinese sentiment increased, Chinese immigrants largely refused to propitiate this violent discourse by abandoning the very practices that made them successful. Instead, the immigrants continued to rely on practices that allowed them to prosper in Mexico, and as their poor treatment became unbearable, they engaged in a final form of negotiation with Mexican society by leaving the country with their wives and families, a behavior that produced negative consequences for Mexican economics and social relations. This study seeks to examine how Chinese immigrant groups that were so successful in negotiating for a prosperous life in Mexico ultimately renegotiated this success as a result of the 4 For the development of nationalism and xenophobic ideologies in Mexico, see: Leo M. Jacques. “Have Quick More Money than Mandarins: The Chinese in Sonora,” The Journal of Arizona History 17, no. 2 (1976), 202-7. 8 rise of xenophobic and nationalistic ideologies following the Mexican Revolution. While strategies such as operating small businesses, forming mutual aid societies, and marrying Mexican women had proved effective in helping them to adjust to their new homes, Chinese immigrants largely continued to rely on similar practices in dealing with growing Mexican persecution as the twentieth century unfolded. However, nationalist sentiment in Mexico that arose from revolution would no longer tolerate these strategies, and the Chinese immigrant community consequently found itself embroiled in a conflict of ideologies that would ultimately lead it to undertake a final, drastic form of cultural negotiation by leaving Mexico altogether. The Acceptance of Foreign Influence in Mexico: 1876-1910 From the initial stages of Porfirio Diaz’s regime (1876-1910) until the beginning stages of the Mexican Revolution, nationalist