Notes Introduction 1 Charles S. Maier, ‘Hegemony and Autonomy within the Western Alliance’, in Melvyn P. Leffler and David S. Painter (eds), Origins of the Cold War: An International History (London: Routledge, 2005, 2nd edn), pp.221–36. 2 Julian Jackson, Charles de Gaulle (London: Haus Publishing Limited, 2003), p.98. John F. Kennedy Library, Papers of President Kennedy, National Security Files, Countries, (hereafter JFKL/KP/NSF/C), Box 72, Klein to Bundy, 18 April 1963. 3 The National Archives, Kew, London (hereafter TNA/), FO371/177865/ RF1022/57, Dixon to Caccia, 19 June 1964. 4 Nicholas Henderson, Inside the Private Office: Memoirs of the Secretary to British Foreign Ministers (Chicago: Academy Chicago Publishers, 1987), pp.94–5. 5 Charles de Gaulle, Memoirs of Hope: Renewal and Endeavour (trans. Terence Kilmartin) (New York: Simon and Schuster, 1971), pp.202–3. 6 Foreign Relations of the United States (hereafter FRUS), 1958–1960, Volume VII, Western Europe (Washington: United States Government Printing Office, 1993), document (hereafter doc.) 45. Also, Frédéric Bozo, Two Strategies for Europe: De Gaulle, the United States and the Atlantic Alliance (trans. Susan Emanuel) (Oxford: Rowman & Littlefield, 2001), pp.18–19. On the 1957 agreements, Jan Melissen, The Struggle for Nuclear Partnership: Britain, the United States and the Making of an Ambiguous Alliance, 1952–1959 (Groningen: Styx, 1993), p.39. 7 De Gaulle, Memoirs of Hope, pp.171–2. On de Gaulle’s foreign policies, Bozo, Two Strategies and Georges-Henri Soutou, ‘French Policy towards European Integration, 1950–1966’ in Michael Dockrill (ed.), Europe within the Global System, 1938–1960: Great Britain, France, Italy and Germany: from Great Powers to Regional Powers (Bochum: Universitätsverlag Brockmeyer, 1995), pp.119–33. Also, Philip G. Cerny, The Politics of Grandeur: Ideological Aspects of de Gaulle’s Foreign Policy (Cambridge: CUP, 1980) and Maurice Vaïsse, La Grandeur: Politique étrangère du général de Gaulle 1958–1969 (Paris: Fayard, 1997). For an explanation which emphasises economic motives in de Gaulle’s policies, Andrew Moravcsik, ‘De Gaulle between grain and grandeur: the political economy of French EC policy, 1958–1970’, Journal of Cold War Studies, 2/2 and 2/3 (2000), pp.2–43 and pp.4–142. 8 There is an extensive literature on this subject. For example, Oliver Bange, The EEC Crisis of 1963: Kennedy, Macmillan, de Gaulle and Adenauer in Conflict (Basingstoke: Macmillan, 2000); Jeffrey Glen Giauque, Grand Designs and Visions of Unity: The Atlantic Powers and the Reorganization of Western Europe, 1955–1963 (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 2002) and Klaus Schwabe, ‘Three Grand Designs: The U.S.A., Great Britain, and the Gaullist Concept of Atlantic Partnership and European Unity’, Journal of Transatlantic Studies, 3/1 (2005), pp.7–30. 204 Notes 205 9 For example, Giauque, Grand, passim; Geir Lundestad, ‘Empire’ by Integration: The United States and European Integration, 1945–1997 (Oxford: OUP, 1998); Geir Lundestad, The United States and Western Europe since 1945 (Oxford: OUP, 2005); Frederico Romero, ‘U.S. Attitudes towards Integration and Inter- dependence: The 1950s’ in Francis H. Heller and John R. Gillingham (eds), The United States and the Integration of Europe: Legacies of the Postwar Era (New York: St Martin’s Press, 1996), pp.103–21; Klaus Schwabe, ‘Atlantic Partnership and European Integration: American-European Policies and the German Problem, 1947–1966’ in Geir Lundestad (ed.), No End to Alliance: The United States and Western Europe: Past, Present and Future (Basingstoke: Macmillan, 1998), pp.37–80; Pascaline Winand, Eisenhower, Kennedy, and the United States of Europe (Basingstoke: Macmillan, 1993). For a contemporary account, Max Beloff, The United States and the Unity of Europe (London: Faber and Faber, 1963). 10 On the Kennedy administration’s policies, Douglas Brinkley and Richard T. Griffiths (eds), John F. Kennedy and Europe (Baton Rouge: Louisiana State University Press, 1999), especially Stuart Ward, ‘Kennedy, Britain and the European Community’ in Brinkley and Griffiths (eds), John F. Kennedy, pp.317–32; Frank Costigliola, ‘The Failed Design: Kennedy, de Gaulle, and the Struggle for Europe’, Diplomatic History, 8/3 (1989), pp.224–51; Giauque, Grand, pp.98–125 and passim; Erin Mahan, Kennedy, de Gaulle and Western Europe (Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmillan, 2002) and Winand, Eisenhower, pp.139–202 and passim. For a Europeanist perspective, George Ball, The Discipline of Power: Essentials of a Modern World Structure (London: The Bodley Head, 1968); also, Pascaline Winand, ‘American “Europeanists”, Monnet’s Action Committee and British membership’ in George Wilkes (ed.), Britain’s Failure to Enter the European Community 1961–1963 (London: Frank Cass, 1997), pp.164–90. 11 On the free trade area, James Ellison, Threatening Europe: Britain and the Creation of the European Community, 1955–58 (Basingstoke: Macmillan, 2000); on the first application, Alan S. Milward, The United Kingdom and the European Community Volume I: The Rise and Fall of a National Strategy 1945–1963 (London: Frank Cass, 2002), pp.310–441. 12 Foreign Relations of the United States, 1950, Volume III, Western Europe, (Washington: United States Government Printing Office, 1977), pp.869–83. 13 Alan Dobson, ‘The Special Relationship and European Integration’, Diplomacy and Statecraft, 2/1 (1991), pp.79–102. 14 Nigel J. Ashton, Kennedy, Macmillan and the Cold War: The Irony of Inter- dependence (Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmillan, 2002), pp.127–51, pp.132–3. 15 Kevin Ruane and James Ellison, ‘Managing the Americans: Anthony Eden, Harold Macmillan and the Pursuit of “Power-by-Proxy” in the 1950s’, Contemporary British History, 18/3 (Autumn 2004), pp.147–67. 16 On the Anglo-French clash, James Ellison, ‘Separated by the Atlantic: the British and de Gaulle, 1958–1967’, Diplomacy and Statecraft, 17/4 (December 2006), pp.853–70; Clemens Wurm ‘Two Paths to Europe: Great Britain and France from a Comparative Perspective’ in Clemens Wurm (ed.), Western Europe and Germany: The Beginnings of European Integration 1945–1960 (Oxford: Berg, 1995), pp.175–200. 17 For example, Bange, EEC Crisis, pp.73–233; Giauque, Grand, pp.158–223; Milward, Rise, pp.463–83. 206 Notes 18 For a contemporary perspective, Henry A. Kissinger, The Troubled Partnership: A Re-appraisal of the Atlantic Alliance (New York: McGraw-Hill, 1965). 19 For example, Bozo, Two Strategies, passim; Helga Haftendorn, NATO and the Nuclear Revolution: A Crisis of Credibility, 1966–67 (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1996); Lawrence S. Kaplan, NATO and the United States: the Enduring Alliance (New York: Twayne Publishers, 1994); Andreas Wenger, ‘Crisis and Opportunity: NATO’s Transformation and the Multilateralization of Détente, 1966–1968’, Journal of Cold War Studies, 6/1 (Winter 2004), pp.22–74. 20 Two notable exceptions to the NATO-specific approach are N. Piers Ludlow, The European Community and the Crises of the 1960s: Negotiating the Gaullist challenge (London: Routledge, 2006) and Garret Martin, Untying the Gaullian Knot: France and the Struggle to Overcome the Cold War Order, 1963–1968 (unpublished PhD thesis, London School of Economics, 2006). 21 The current relevance of these subjects has been recently exemplified by the impact of Robert Kagan’s Paradise and Power: America and Europe in the New World Order (London: Atlantic Books, 2003). 22 Thomas Alan Schwartz, Lyndon Johnson and Europe: In the Shadow of Vietnam (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 2003). 23 For two early general studies written without access to archives, John Newhouse, De Gaulle and the Anglo-Saxons (London: Andre Deutsch, 1970) and David Thomson, ‘General de Gaulle and the Anglo-Saxons’, International Affairs, 41/1 (1965), pp.11–21. 24 For example, Giauque, Grand, passim; Mahan, Kennedy, passim; Constantine A. Pagedas, Anglo-American Strategic Relations and the French Problem 1960–1963: A Troubled Partnership (London: Cass, 2000); Schwabe, ‘Three Grand Designs’, pp.7–30; Soutou, ‘French Policy’, pp.119–33; Vaïsse, La Grandeur, passim. 25 Jeffrey G. Giauque, ‘Offers of Partnership or Bids for Hegemony? The Atlantic Community, 1961–1963’, The International History Review, 22/1 (March 2000), pp.86–112, p.111. For the quotation, Time, ‘The Grandest Tour’, 1 July 1966. 26 Marc Trachtenberg, A Constructed Peace: the Making of the European Settlement, 1945–1963 (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1999), p.352 and passim. 27 Alan Dobson, ‘The years of transition: Anglo-American relations 1961–1967’, Review of International Studies, 16/3 (1990), pp.239–58. Also, John Dumbrell, ‘The Johnson Administration and the British Labour Government: Vietnam, the Pound and East of Suez’, Journal of American Studies, 30/2 (1996), pp.211–31. 28 For the literature on Kennedy, see note 10 above. 29 Schwartz, Lyndon, passim. Prior to Schwartz, historians had begun to put LBJ’s foreign policy in wider perspective, see H. W. Brands, The Wages of Globalism: Lyndon Johnson and the Limits of American Power (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1995); H. W. Brands (ed.), The Foreign Policies of Lyndon Johnson: Beyond Vietnam (College Station: Texas A&M University Press, 1999); Warren I. Cohen and Nancy Bernkopf Tucker (eds), Lyndon Johnson Confronts the World: American Foreign Policy, 1963–1968 (Cambridge: CUP, 1994); Robert O. Paxton and Nicholas Wahl (eds), De Gaulle and the United Notes 207 States: A Centennial Reappraisal (Oxford: Berg, 1994). Following on from Schwartz, see Hal Brands, ‘Rethinking Nonproliferation: LBJ, the Gilpatric Committee, and U.S. National Security Policy’, Journal of Cold War Studies, 8/2 (Spring 2006), pp.83–113; Hal Brands, ‘Progress Unseen: U.S. Arms Control Policy and the Origins of Détente, 1963–1968’, Diplomatic History, 30/2 (April 2006), pp.253–85 and for an excellent study of LBJ’s policies towards the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics (USSR), John Dumbrell, President Lyndon Johnson and Soviet Communism (Manchester: MUP, 2004). 30 On Britain’s Cold War policies, Sean Greenwood, Britain and the Cold War 1945–91 (Basingstoke: Macmillan, 2000).