Copyright is owned by the Author of the thesis. Permission is given for a copy to be downloaded by an individual for the purpose of research and private study only. The thesis may not be reproduced elsewhere without the permission of the Author. THE POLITICS OF NOSTALGIA: THE PETTY-BOURGEOISIE AND THE EXTREME RIGHT IN NEt|l ZEALAND A thesis presented in partial fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Phi losophy at Massey University Paul Spoonley 1 986 l1 ABSTRACT From the early 1970s, extreme right-wing groups began to jn proliferate New Zealand and to contribute to public debate. These groups represent one response to the growing pol iticisation of racjal jssues, and gender d discontent at the trends in modern capitalism and a nostalgia for the unity and certainty that is seen as epitom.ising the immediate post-war period. Poulantzas identifies these groups as primarily petty-bourgeois in origin and thjs class link constitutes a central focus of thi s thesi s. js It argued that the old or traditional petty-bourgeoisie are a declining class fraction who exhibit reactionary tendencies. Thejr form of petty-commodity production, both rural and urban, is threatened by the development of the corporate economy, exemplified by the interventionjst state and the growing size and centralisation of monopoly capital. The resulting decrease in petty-bourgeois posjtjons produces a crisjs of confidence as the reproduction of small-scale product'ion is no longer guaranteed. The marginal position of the old petty-bourgeo'isie is further confirmed by the absence of po'litica'l influence. They feel unabre to halt the growing ,moral decadence, of recent decades because they'lack the political power of capital or labour, or that of expanding class fractions such as the new petty- bourgeoisie. Radical right-w'ing groups are an expression of these cl ass concerns. The old petty-bourgeoisie have not always identified with reactionary political organisations. Their support was an important factor in the election of the Labour Government in 1935. But during the 1930s, they articulated an ideology that perceived speculat ive capital, and Jews,as an important cause in financial decline. This world-view was reproduced intact into the 19l0s. At this point, a general economic recession emphasised the prob lems faced by petty- cornmodity production and the conLribution of thc'o1d petty-bourgeoisie to moral debates on 'race', gender and peace issues was increasingly superseded by post-war generations and movements. Also, the iii traditional party of this fraction, Soc'i al Credi t, experienced a change in leadership in 1972 that marked a rejectjon of '1930s arguments. Extreme right-wing groups were establ ished to articulate petty-bourgeois concerns and to counter weak representational links wi th conservati ve pol i t'ica1 part'ies. The ideology and poljt'ical style of these groups is described in detail. Case studies of the League of Rights, the Country Party and Tax Reduction Integrity Movement/lenith Applied Philosophy are provided, along with profiles of key activ'ists. The class base cf these organisations is confirmed by the contrast with working class neo-fascism and forms of conservatism such as the New Zealand Party. An international comparison involving the United Kingdom, Austral ia and Canada identjfies the spec'ific tendenc'ies of the New Zealand situation. The final section djscusses the prognosis for extreme right- wing groups jn a situatjon of crisis. The analysis centres on three questions: (1) in order to widen jts const'ituency, are alliances with other classes or fractions possible; (2)'is mass fasc'ism a possibility; (3) are the old petty-bourgeoisie a significant or authentic socia'l force. The thesis concludes that extreme right-wing groups are an expression of petty-bourgeois revo'lt and they constitute one of the most important examples of reactionary politics with an impact on contemporary socjal relations and debates. IV PREFACE Some brief preparatory comments need to be made before proceeding to the body of the text. The first concerns the generat'ion of a data base. Throughout the thes'is, there are extensive references to secondary sources such as newspaper items or articles. It may not be 'immediately obvious that a considerable amount of the data came from primary sources, especially contact with members of the extreme right, intervjews with them and attendance at meet'ings. Material from these sources has been woven into the analysis and the origin is often not identjfied or clear. Secondly, although this thesis addresses the questjon of the class bases of extremism in New Zealand, class'is taken as read. There is no'intentjon of exploring class in'its own right. That was beyond the scope of this project. And finally, my personal attitude towards the subject matter, right-wing extremism, may be gauged indirectly from the analysis but'it'is very seldom explicit. The extreme ri ght represents a trad'iti on that di verges j n 'its val ues and bel'iefs from social democratjc culture, and from the liberal values of sociology. The opposed pos'it'ions of sociologist and extreme right has often meant that the latter have been carjcatured in socjology. By that I mean that the complex'ity and commitment of extreme right-wing politics has been inaccurately portrayed. The ajm here was to convey something of the jntricacies and rjchness of this tradition, and to acknowledge the integrity of the people jnvolved. Ihis integrity is acknowledged by simply being accurate and not misrepresenting ind'ividuals or events. But'tout comprendre, c'est tout pardonner' is not my attitude. I reject total'ly the valjdity of extreme right-wing interpellations and believe them to constitute an impediment to the practice of a liberal democratic system. Equally, however, I do not share the'bleak pessimism' (Bottomore, 1984:37) that characterised the Frankfurt School on this same subject, and if soc'iology can add anything it is to create positive options through competent analysis. AC{N0t4/LEDGEUENJS As with any undertaking of thjs size, others have made a major contribution and it would simply have not been possible without their support. There are four people to whom I owe a partjcular debt. Graeme Fraser and Chris Wilkes have supervised the thesis, and have done so w'i1Iingly and extremely competent1y in spite of other substantial commitments. It has been a long and at times difficult project, and I am grateful for their col legial encouragement. Jill Cheer has been involved in typing the material. Her sk'ill and reactjon to aspects of the thesjs have been very valuable. And Jennifer Crowley has l'ived with this project as much as I have, and has been a motivator and a companion'in a way that no-one else could have. To these people, and to my parents, I am deeply grateful. There are others who have provided help, adv'ice and 'information, and have actually made the collection of data possible. To the following, mJ thanks: Mjchael Eanton; Paul Earcham; Stan Barrett; Karren Beanland; Eritish Counci l; Harvey Buchman; Graeme Coleman; Michael Danby and Austral.i a/lsrael Publ ications, Melbourne; Josh Easby; Ken Gott; HART; Wally Hirsh and the New Zeal and Jewi sh Counci 1; Humani ties and Soc'i al Sciences Research Fund, Massey University; Chris Husbands; Jerry Gable and Searchljght, London; 0r Jacob Gewirtz and the Board of Deputjes of British Jews, London; Paul Gordon and the Runnymede Trust, London; Mike Hannah; Glenys Jennings; Francesca Klug; Derrick Knight; Michael Law; Isi Leibler; Rod Lingard; Ernest Markham; Lesley Max; Bob Mi les; Michael May and the Institute for Jewish Affairs, London; David McLoughl in; David Pearson; Penny Poutu; Race Relations Conciljator's Office staff; Bert Roth; Gil I Sejdel; Pat Shannon: Paul Smith; Tainui Stephens; Stephen Stratford; Toby Truel l; Victorian Jewjsh Board of Deputies, Melbourne; t,Jiener Library, London; Simon Wiesenthal Centre for Ho'locaust Studies, Los Angeles; Vernon Wr i ght. I also have lo acknowledge that help was provided by the subjects cf this study, members of New Zealand's extreme right. TABLE OF CONTENTS P age Preface IV Acknowl edgements Table of Contents vi List of Diagrams and Tab I es List of Appendices X1 Li st of Abbrevi at'ions and Conventions xi i CHAPTER ONE: I ntroduct i on 1 CHAPTER TWO: The Politics of the Petty-Bourgeoisie: 7 A Theoretical Argument Fascism and the Extreme Right: 9 A Def i ni t'ion Analyses of the Extreme Right and 15 Fasci sm (i The Authorjtarian Personality t5 (i'i Al'ienation and Modern Society 16 (iii Marxi st Expl anat'ions 19 The Petty-Bourgeoisie 23 I deo I ogy 32 Rac'ism, National i sm and Sexi sm 39 Ideo'logy: A Reformul ati on 44 Key Elements of Petty-Bourgeois 45 Ideology: A T.ypology Polit'ics 4B Pol i tical Style and Social 0rganisation 51 The Potential for Fascism in New Zealand 57 The Theoretical Framework: A Formal 60 Statement (a) The PoIitics of the 0ld Petty- 60 Bourgeoisie (b) The Ideology of the Extreme Right 61 (c) The 0rganisational Structure and 62 Style of the Extreme Right (d) The Potential for Fascism in 62 New Zeal and P age CHAPTER THREE: The Historical Precedents of Petty- 64 Bourgeois Interpel lat'ions in New Zea'l and, 1890-1972 Raci sm: Ideolog'ical Struggles 69 1890s-1930s Soc'ial Credit and the Petty- 71 Bourgeoisie: Jacob'inism in New Zealand Politics A.N. Field ol Conclusion B3 CHAPTER FOUR: Contemporary Petty-Bourgeoi s Interpel I at'ions: 87 Extreme Right-l,ling Groups as an Express'ion of Political