The Ministerial Career of Anthony Crosland 1964-1977 Stephen King A thesis presented in partial fulfilment of the requirements for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy. School of History, Classics and Archaeology, Newcastle University. November 2018 1 Table of Contents. Abstract 4 Abbreviations 5 Introduction 6 Theoretician as Minister 6 Historiography 10 Sources 23 Ministerial Careers: A methodology for assessment 29 Chapter One: The Department of Economic Affairs 1964-1965 32 The Birth of the Department of Economic Affairs 32 Crosland’s contribution to the work of DEA 43 Evaluation 58 Chapter Two: The Department of Education and Science 1965-1967. 62 The Development of State Secondary Education 1945-1965 64 Evolution of Crosland’s views on Secondary School Reform 68 Secondary School Reform 73 Independent Schools 89 Higher Education: Polytechnics 104 Evaluation 120 Chapter Three: President of the Board of Trade (Aug 1967- Oct 1969) 126 Appointment and the Board of Trade 127 Transport: Planes, Boats and Airports 130 Business Policy, Trade and Investment 140 2 Europe and EFTA 155 Evaluation 160 Chapter Four: The Department of Local Government and Regional Planning (1969-1970) and the Department of the Environment (1974-1976) 167 Appointment as Secretary of State. 169 Local Government and Regional Development 172 Pollution and the Environment 194 Shadow Minister for Environment (1970-1974) 200 Secretary of State for Environment: Housing and Transport 208 Evaluation 230 Chapter Five: The Foreign and Commonwealth Office 1976-1977 233 Appointment as Secretary of State 234 Crosland and the role of Britain in the 1970s 237 The Third Cod war 1975-1976 240 Rhodesia 1976-1977. 248 Evaluation 261 Chapter Six: Conclusion 264 Bibliography 273 3 Abstract Existing studies of the career of Anthony Crosland have been biographical in emphasis or have concentrated on Crosland as a theoretician. This thesis will endeavour to examine his record as a minister and relate his conduct of ministerial office to his political principles and the wider political circumstance of the time. Crosland’s attempts to frame and successfully deliver departmental policy based on his socialist agenda will be evaluated at the conclusion of the study of each ministry. This thesis will be structured around Crosland’s progression through the five ministerial posts that he held in the Labour administrations of Harold Wilson (1964-70 and 1974-76) and of James Callaghan (1976-77). In so doing more attention will be paid to policy areas which have not attracted much scrutiny even in the two major biographical studies. In particular, I have made greater use of archive material at the National Archives to shed more light on the following areas under Crosland’s administration: the diversity of the Board of Trade activities; regional impact of policies at the Board and the Department of Environment; environmental concerns in the 1970s; and foreign policy decisions in central and southern Africa. 4 Abbreviations ACP – Anthony Crosland Papers. BAC – British Aircraft Corporation. BEA – British European Airways. BOT – Board of Trade. CAB – Cabinet Papers. BTA – British Travel Association. DEA – Department of Economic Affairs. DES – Department of Education and Science. DLGRP – Department of Local Government and Regional Planning. DOE – Department of Environment. EEC – European Economic Community. EFTA – European Free Trade Association. FCO – Foreign and Commonwealth Office. JCP – Jim Callaghan Papers. LEA – Local Education Authority. LHASC – Labour History Archive and Study Centre. LSE – London School of Economics. NEDC – National Economic Development Council. PLP – Parliamentary Labour Party. NUT – National Union of Teachers. PSC – Public Schools Commission. REPC – Regional Economic Planning Council. RSG – Rate Support Grant. TNA – The National Archive 5 Introduction Theoretician as Minister In a tribute to the departing Prime Minister David Cameron in June 2016 the Conservative MP and former cabinet minister Peter Lilley spoke of Cameron as a politician ‘driven by legitimate ambitions and ideas’. For some politicians, theory and its application to their political life have taken a much more significant role as a motivation. Two examples can provide some illustration of the record of recognised theoreticians in office. Arthur James Balfour’s career totalled nearly thirty-five years and included one term as Prime Minister (1902-5). His philosophical ideas have proved a durable legacy. He published two volumes on philosophy: The Defence of Philosophical Doubt (London, Macmillan, 1879) and The Foundations of Belief (London, Longmans, 1895). In these he challenged the idea that human reason could determine truth, asserting that the propositions of science were no more susceptible to rational proof than were those of religion.1 Winston Churchill, a colleague, considered that this continual intellectual analysis of issues impeded progress in government. ‘If you wanted nothing done, AJB was undoubtedly the best man for the job. There was no one to equal him’.2 Crosland was one of the leading theoreticians of the Labour party in the 1960s and 1970s and Keith Joseph contributed much to Conservative ideas in the period. He was regarded by Margaret Thatcher as a colleague, friend and ‘mentor’ who helped her to bring her conservative instincts ‘into a coherent framework of ideas or into a set of practical policies of government’.3 Together they established a ‘think tank’, the Centre for Policy Studies in 1974. 1 For a study of Balfour’s career and ideas see RJQ Adams, Balfour: The Last Grandee (London, John Murray, 2007). One writer on the Victorians described him as a ‘Philosopher among politicians and a politician among philosophers’. Piers Brendon, Eminent Edwardians (London, Secker and Warburg, 1979), p.77. 2 Quoted in Brendon, Edwardians, p. 115. 3 Margaret Thatcher, The Downing Street Years (New York, Harper /Collins, 1993), p. 14. 6 This was a free market British policy ‘think tank’ whose aim was to promote coherent and practical public policy, to roll back the state, reform public services and resist threats to Britain’s independence.4 Crosland was an active member of the Fabian Society but in addition to the advice of permanent civil servants, relied on his own economic advisers in government and was not dependent on the work of research institutes. A comparison with Crosland is appropriate in the context of theoreticians in ministerial office especially as they were contemporaries. Both were prolific writers who provided publications reflecting the development of their ideas often while in office.5 Finally, while both were disappointed in their ambition to become Chancellor, they were appointed to super-ministries, the product of the amalgamation of smaller discrete departments: the Department of Health and Social Security for Joseph in 1970 and the Department of the Environment for Crosland in 1974 To that extent both reflected the increasing reach of the state (in Joseph’s opinion, an over-reach). The record of Joseph’s work as Secretary of State at the Department of Education and Science reveals much of the competing and conflicting priorities when in office of those who were regarded as theoreticians. In one study of Joseph in 1989, it was claimed that Joseph saw too many sides of every problem to be a decisive minister.6 When faced with the continued level of subsidy required to sustain production at British Leyland, Joseph prevaricated, ignoring the importance of party considerations even though many Conservative MPs represented the 4 See Andrew Denham and Mark Garnett, Keith Joseph (Chesham (Bucks), Acumen, 2001), p. 240. Think tanks were organisations and institutes for research and advocacy of policy especially in social, political and economic fields. Most were non-profit organisations, although some received government funding. 5 The following principal works of Keith Joseph were published by the Conservative Party Centre: Automation and the Consumer (1956); The Responsible Society (1959), Caring for People (1972) and Equality (1979). He also produced a series of pamphlets on economic issues published by Conservative Party Studies: The Economics of Freedom (1975), Monetarism is not enough (1976) and The Conditions for Fuller Employment (1978). 6 See Maurice Halcrow, Keith Joseph: A Single Mind (London, Macmillan, 1989). 7 West Midlands. Michael Edwards, the Chairman of British Leyland at the time, summarised Joseph’s dilemma when faced with the issue of future government financial intervention: ‘He may change his mind, but I’m prepared to argue that he will only do so if he is persuaded by the intellectual case put to him’.7 A senior minister is recorded as stating that he was a ‘marvellous man but a terrible politician’.8 Joseph stimulated a level of expectation which was difficult to control according to his officials at the DES. The attempted introduction of a voucher system into educational provision illustrated this weakness. Joseph was initially attracted to the idea; but eventually he became aware of the practical problems of introducing such a scheme: – complex legislation, the alienation of teacher unions and departmental unease and thus he abandoned the attempt.9 At the Department of Industry the conflict between principle and pragmatism was repeated. His officials at the Department were given a reading list of nearly thirty books; it was the normal practice they felt, to offer advice to the incoming minister as opposed to enduring academic seminars.10 Joseph found that he had no alternative but to act against his stated principles because economic conditions were far worse than he expected.11 He realised that West German economic success was often based on government subsidies and he felt compelled to advance another one billion pounds to rescue British Leyland; but then reversed his decision in cabinet.12 7 Ibid, p.148. 8 Oliver Letwin, quoted in Denham and Garnett, Joseph, p. 372. 9 Ibid, p.372. 10 Ibid, p.334. 11 Ibid, p.340. Peter Hennessy also noted the conflict between Joseph’s philosophy and the practicalities of administrating these policies while at the DTI.